Kabul is the same

This is from Kabul;

i might be up to some potential solutions for afghanistan. I have isolated two pernicious malaises of the society. firstly I think sublimation is the key ingredient of the personal ethics and social conscious. by that I mean conveyancing every rational thought into a socially accepted or cultural quality dogma. I had my cultural shocks a few times when spoke of the naked truth. truth was taken as an insult. I experienced that truth was very much seen in the framework provided by Lenin, the great soviet revolutionary, "truth is a lie told so many times that it has become acceptable". let me recite an anecdote to elaborate the point,  the government banned Pakistani papers and I said in a gathering; " the ban was a breach of free expression. if we are advocating freedom then we should not crackdown on others right to freedom. otherwise it would only mean that the noble principle is used as a tool to conceal other intentions." this would seem as common sense statement. i faced a silence usually given to a retarded view not to insult the subject feelings. I was later told that Pakistani papers are insulting to Afghans and damages our national image, furthermore Pakistan is a hostile state and the gullible public should not be exposed to its thoughts. I am nothing if not adaptable and as a student of Darwin i changed. the next time i was to speak about the issue I sublimated my thoughts. "the ministry of interior seem to have a large number of Tajiks and Hazaras at the top and they are normally seen as hostile to Pakistan. the ministry should not have issued an outright ban but should have referred the matter to ministry of information and culture with an emphasise to limit the distribution of the paper.  an outright ban from a branch of armed forces might irritate the government of pakistan to impose limitation on millions of Afghans that still lives in Pakistan or at best give a reason for unsanctioned harassment but Pakistani police. The ministry of information is more relevant to the matter and run by liberal minded individuals. if the controlled measure was a limitation instead of of an outright ban from the ministry on certain type of content that the Pakistani papers can't avoid to carry then it would have seem that the issue was handled more fairly." that went down swimmingly. my intention is to sublimate some of my what would otherwise be regular thoughts tomorrow and see how it flies. this is a great skill for life.

the second is manlove, referred to all the kissing and hugging of the male. i personally deplore this, what seem to be at its facevalue a candid act. manlove appear to be a perspicuous tale of relationship that reminds us of simple times, while in reality the act degenerates the relationship of the man with children and women. consider this anecdote, i am sittting in a restaurant and a couple with a child walks in and sits at a table nearby. every several minutes a man or several walks in and hug and kisses this man while shaking thier head to the woman and child. in a few minutes the woman and child sinks to the background of the event.

same old same old stuff just a little trickier

the political class of Afghanistan connected with the 90s atrocities

The atrocities of the Afghan civil war in the 1990s are still recounted in whispers here — tales of horror born out of a scorched-earth ethnic and factional conflict in which civilians and captured combatants were frequently slaughtered en masse.  the belligerent were supported by regional and foreign countries. only in the city of Kabul according to one estimate sixty thousand civilians were killed and most of the city was destroyed. 

Stark evidence of such killings are held in the mass graves that still litter the Afghan countryside. One such site is outside Mazar-i-Sharif, in the north. The powerful men accused of responsibility for these deaths and tens of thousands of others — some said to be directly at their orders, others carried out by men in their chain of command — are named in the pages of a monumental 800-page report on human rights abuses in Afghanistan from the Soviet era in the ’80s to the fall of the Taliban in 2001, according to researchers and officials who helped compile the study over the past six years. 

Titled simply, “Conflict Mapping in Afghanistan Since 1978,” the study, prepared by the Afghan Independent Human Rights Commission, details the locations and details of 180 mass graves of civilians or prisoners, many of the sites secret and none of them yet excavated properly. It compiles testimony from survivors and witnesses to the mass interments, and details other war crimes as well. 

The study was commissioned as part of a reconciliation and justice effort ordered by President Hamid Karzai in 2005, and it was completed this past December. Some of the world’s top experts in forensics and what is called transitional justice advised the commission on the report and provided training and advice for the 40 researchers who worked on it over a six-year period. 

According to Afghan rights advocates and Western officials, word that the report was near to being officially submitted to the president apparently prompted powerful former warlords, including the first vice president, Marshal Muhammad Qasim Fahim, to demand that Mr. Karzai dismiss the commissioner responsible, Ahmad Nader Nadery. 

At a meeting on Dec. 21, including Mr. Karzai and other top officials, Marshal Fahim argued that dismissing Mr. Nadery would actually be too mild a punishment. “We should just shoot 30 holes in his face,” he said, according to one of those present. He later apologized to other officials for the remark, saying it was not meant in earnest.  Mr. Karzai did remove Mr. Nadery. 

The figures accused in the report of playing some role in mass killings include some of the most powerful figures in Afghanistan’s government and ethnic factions, including the Northern Alliance that fought the Taliban in 2001. 

Among them are First Vice President Fahim, a Tajik from the Jamiat Islami Party, and Second Vice President Karim Khalili, a Hazara leader from the Wahdat Party; Gen. Atta Mohammed Noor, a Tajik from the Jamiat Islami Party and now the governor of the important northern province of Balkh, of which Mazar-i-Sharif is capital; and Gen. Abdul Rashid Dostum, a former Uzbek warlord from the Jumbush Party who holds the honorary title of chief of staff to the supreme commander of the Afghan Armed Forces, among many others. 

Those men gave no response to verbal and written requests for comment about their naming in the report. 

In all, the researchers said, more than 500 Afghans are named in the report as responsible for mass killings, including the country’s revered national martyr, Ahmed Shah Massoud, one of the last militia leaders to hold out against the Taliban sweep to power and who was assassinated by Al Qaeda just before the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks. 

In all, 13 mass graves have been identified in the Mazar-i-Sharif area, including one detailed by human rights workers in the Dasht-e-Leili desert in the neighboring Jawjzan Province, believed to contain 2,000 Taliban prisoners slaughtered by General Dostum’s forces. 

The volatility of the accusations was on full display in April, when a well-established but small political bloc, the Afghanistan Solidarity Party, held a demonstration against what it said were war criminals in government. “For us there is no difference between the Taliban and these war criminals,” said Hafizullah Rasikh, a party spokesman. “They are like twin brothers.” Parliament responded with a declaration accusing the party of treason and demanding its disbandment. 

The American Embassy here has been another source of objection to the mass-graves report. American officials say releasing the report would be a bad idea, at least until after Afghanistan’s 2014 presidential election — which is also when the NATO combat withdrawal should be complete. “I have to tell you frankly on the mapping thing, when I first learned about it, it scared me,” said a senior American official, speaking on condition of anonymity as a matter of embassy policy. “There will be a time for it, but I’m not persuaded this is the time.” 

“It’s going to reopen all the old wounds,” the official said, noting that several men who were bitter rivals during the civil war were at least nominally working together in the government now. 

Of the 180 graves documented in the report, only one has so far been exhumed forensically because the Afghan authorities lack the facilities to carry out DNA testing and the sort of scientific identification of remains that was done systematically in Bosnia. 

That one was a grave on the grounds of the Interior Ministry in Kabul, according to M. Ashraf Bakhteyari, head of the Forensic Science Organization, a foreign-trained group that carried out the exhumation. Mr. Bakhteyari said he was ordered by the Interior Ministry not to divulge who the victims were. “It is classified information,” he said. 

He is frank, though, about the prospects for investigating the rest of Afghanistan’s mass graves. “It is impossible to prosecute those who are responsible for the mass graves,” Mr. Bakhteyari said. “Neither the international community nor the Afghan government have the will to do that.”