Tuesday, January 30, 2007

Most of aid gets pocketed by Afghan leaders

Corrupt police and tribal leaders are stealing vast quantities of reconstruction aid that is intended to improve the lives of ordinary Afghans and turn them away from the Taliban.
In some cases, all the aid earmarked for an area has ended up in the wrong hands. Defence officials in the United States and Britain estimate that up to half of all aid in Afghanistan is failing to reach the right people.

At least five people in Takhar have been murdered in family disputes this month. Homayoon 31 was the last killed in Yangi Qalah district of Takhar province. He was killed by police; the government has arrested three people including two police in connection with the murder. But in a demonstration yesterday around 200 people cried for justice. Farooq 28 said “we want justice. The killing has been going on for too long. Now we know the killers and they should be prosecuted”
Takhar is a province in the north of the country where its considered safe, even in the safe environment of Takhar justice is an illusion.

A joint report by the Pentagon and the US state department, circulated to congressional committees last month, concluded that the Afghan police force was corrupt to the point of ineffectiveness. One Pentagon official told The Sunday Telegraph that police officers had stolen and sold at least half of the equipment supplied by the US, including thousands of cars and trucks.
Among the projects funded by the UK department for development are the purchase of uniforms and winter coats for the Afghan police, a hospital generator and a mortuary.
But it confirmed that some of the US $4 million allocated to projects intended to help internal refugees had been diverted to build vehicle checkpoints.

Niaz Mohammad Sarahadi, governor of Panjwaye district of Kandahar province said “of course thievery happens and it’s a problem and we have recognized the problem. We fired all members of Aid distribution commission and has appointed New members from community elders but since then there has been no assistance. Almost half of displaced people, who left their homes in the last summer clashes between Nato and Taliban, have returned to their home. We want to attract more aid and assist refugees to return to their homes”

There are 42000 Afghan police, equipped by international aid to provide security to around 25 million Afghan people. This is while a handful government officials and MPs have more than 15000 body guards, in addition to hundreds of illegal weapons and expensive cars. We asked Shakir Ahmad of Nangarhar province how leaders could afford the security and why they need it “authorities get their money from foreigners. foreigners only give the money to the leaders not to people just like the past thirty years.” Shakir added “they have bodyguards to be protected from each other, leaders are all involved in dirty businesses and they are all after killing each other”

Nato forces in the south of the country say some Afghan police are guilty of corruption and will steal aid if it is handed out. Tribal and mosque elders have also been accused of seizing goods, including building materials and fuel, and selling them in markets. A Pentagon official said thousands of cars and trucks intended for use by the Afghan police had been sold instead.

Noorulhaq Ullomi an MP heading national security committee of the parliament told us “local leaders are contracted by foreigners to build their bases and implement their projects; local leaders even provide logistic support. Local leaders in some areas have changed to service contractors. There are several military bases around the country the construction of which only worth four million dollar each but NATO says they have built each for up to US $400 million” he continue “there is no way to hold foreign aid nor local leaders accountable for what they do with money”

On Friday, Nato foreign ministers signalled that they would boost their military and economic contributions amid calls for more investment in development projects to win the support of the Afghan population. Liam Fox, the Conservative defense spokesman, said he had heard first-hand of corruption affecting the reconstruction programmes when he visited Afghanistan last summer. “There is increasing corruption from top government officials down, which is making efforts to get reconstruction off the ground much more difficult,” he said.

رهبران افغان پول کمک را به جیب میزنند

در یک گزارش مشترک وزارت دفاع امریکا و وزارت داخله آن کشور که به کمیته کانگرس توضیع گردیده است امده است که پولیس افغانتسان تا به حدی فساد دارد که موثر نمیباشد. یک مقام پنتاگون به روزنامه تیلگراف گفته است که مقامات پولیس اقلا نصف از وسایلی را که از طرف حکومت امریکا اهدا گردیده است دزدیده ان که شامل هزار ها موتر و نفربر میشود.

در جمع پروژه های که از طرف اداره انکشافی برطانیا تمویل گردیده است خریداری لباس و بالا پوش زمستانی برای پولیس و جنراتور شفاخانه و مورده شویی میباشد. مگر تائید گردید که از جمله 4 میلیون دالر که برای کمک به معاجرین داخلی اختصاص یافته بود به ساختن پوسته های کنترول پولیس اختصاص یافت.

تحقیق سندی تیلیگراف به این نتیجه رسیده است که افراد پولیس و رهبران قومی یک مقدار زیاد از امداد بازسازی را میدزدند. این پول به مقصد بهبود وضع زنده گی افغانان عادی اختصاص یافته است تا آنها به طالبان نپیوندند.
در بعضی از قضایا تمام پولی امداد به مقصدس نرسیده است. مقامات وزارت دفاع امریکا و انگلیس به این نتیجه رسیده اند که تا نصف از کمک ها در افغانستان به مقصد نمیرسد.

مقامات ناتو هم در جنوب کشور به این باورند که پولیس افغان گنهکار فساد میباشد و کمک ها را اگر بدست شان برسد خواهند دزدید. رهبران محلی و قومی متهم به غصب اموال به شمول مواد ساختمانی، مواد سوخت میباشند که انها این مواد را بعدآ در بازار به فروش میرسانند. مقامات پنتاگون میگویند که هزار ها موتر امداد شده به پولیس به عوض به فروش رسیده است.

تا حال حدود 42000 پولیس در سراسر کشور به مقصد فراهم اوری امنیت به حدود 25 میلیون افغان توسط کمک های بین المللی تجهیز گردیده اند. در حالی که یک تعداد دست شمار مقامات و سران افغان اضافه از 15000 محافظ شخصی در پهلوی صد ها میل اسلحه غیر قانونی دارند.

بروز جمعه وزرا خارجه ناتو ابراز داشتند که ایشان کمک های نظامی و اقتصادی شان را افزایش خواهند داد با وصف این که خواهش سرمایه گذاری در پروژه های انکشافی غرض بدست اوردن حمایت مردم افغانستان صورت گرفته است. لایم فاکس سخن گوی دفاعی گفته است که او در زمان بازدید از فغاناتسان از فساد در مقامات دست اول شنیده که این بر برنامه بازسازی تاثیر نموده است.

Monday, January 15, 2007

moral? credible? failure?

Failure and credibility
Former US defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld has admitted that his country has failed in Iraq and proposed a list of actions as a contingency plan. Mr Rumsfeld`s admission, latest in the series of confessions by prominent US officials, including US President George W Bush, is of critical importance as he is seen as the chief architect and mastermind of the Iraq war. Leave alone the political repercussions which the Iraq war has had on American domestic affairs, the defeat of the Republicans in the midterm congressional election being a major one, the admission sends a strong message to the global community.
The Iraqi quagmire has been accompanied by growing anti-American sentiment in countries closes to America. The example that comes to mind is Venezuela and the rise of Hugo Chavez, recently elected to a third term. This has also been followed by the North Korea defying international opinion and exploding a nuclear device and one can also see defiance of America is Iran`s refusal to scale back its uranium enrichment programme.
Given the bashing which America has received in Iraq, how true was the "bombing back to stone age" rationale which the Pakistani regime presented to its masses as an excuse to side with the US crusade on Afghanistan? Could America have dared attack a nuclear state? At the time of the Afghan war, President Musharraf gave the nation a new slogan of "Pakistan first". In his post 9/11 speech he promised an all-gain package in exchange for a U-turn on the Afghan policy.
The package included glorification of the Kashmir cause, safeguarding Pakistan`s nuclear assets and protection of the strategic assets and sovereignty of Pakistan. If it was fear which compelled the Pakistani government to side with the US, what justification remains to be part of the coalition against the so-called war on terror, when the US administration itself is admitting its failure to enforce its hegemony over the globe? Doesn`t the failure of the Pakistani policymakers to properly asses and analyse the ground realities after 9/11 pose a question about their credibility and sincerity?

Thursday, January 11, 2007

Some misunderstandings could end up in Guantanamo

Faqeer Ahmadi was held captive in Guantanamo on terror connection allegations for over a year. He is 34 years old from Kharwar district of Wardak province. I am going to go back in the chain of events to tell you his story.

The mug is on the small table next to my dad’s picture, the steam of hot tea is coming out dancingly and mixing with the air as it disappears.

I just sat down to taste the spicy green tea which I bought today, I was told a whole lot about it by the salesman, I am holding the mug with a lot of expectations.
The door was knocked as I had my first sip - it was good. Two cops are standing outside the gate, I heard them whispering when I was approaching the door.
“I have fresh spicy tea which I bought today, it’s suppose to be very good, do you want a cup of it?” I asked
They frowned at me “you have a gun, you were supposed to hand it over to the disarmament team!” said one of them.

“Yes but it’s for personal protection and I have a permit” I said.
“You either have to bring it now or we’ll come inside and take it” said the police.
They shoved me aside and were trying to come in. I pushed them back and locked the door, they were punching and kicking the door trying to break in.
I said “you can’t come in, how should I know you are not thieves”
“We have uniform”
“yes, but almost in all thieveries they had police uniform”

The knocking continued for some minutes and then they sat behind the door and told me if I was not going to open they will radio the station to ask for back up and commander to come and I will be arrested. they did so and after a couple of hours there were several more police outside.
One of them with a more authoritative voice introduced himself as the commander and said
- surrender your gun; you are not suppose to have it!
- I don’t have a gun.
- You do, the district chief of intelligence reported to us.

This rang a bill; this afternoon I visited him to tell him I have a rifle with a permit from Kabul for my family protection. He registered the permit and the gun and told me there should be no more paper work and I can take the gun home.

I am now thinking what shall I do, shall I open the gate or not. My brothers and cousins are already in the yard trying to think what to do, but my thought was disturbed by policemen over the walls shouting now I should open.
Didn’t have many choices, they came inside and took me and the gun to the district centre.

I am in the police station in Kharwar district of Wardak province and I am sitting in one room with the cops. To my surprise I saw the chief of intelligence, Mohammad Usman in the room too. I told him, I came to you this afternoon and showed you my permit and you are the one who came to my house after the thieves took everything a month ago, and you helped me prove to the police office in Kabul that you can’t protect me and I need to have a permit but the police now has intruded into my house, hassling me and my family at night. He was just nodding and said:

- there has been some problem with your permit; can I see it?

I give him the permit and he said he is going to keep the permit and the gun and will contact Kabul tomorrow and resolve the misunderstanding. He said I could go now and come tomorrow.

Came back home, my tea was cold now and I couldn’t bother to make new one, went to sleep and called my office first thing in the morning to let them know I had to take care of some stuff in the village and I would come in the afternoon.

I went to the police station the day and tomorrow and the day after tomorrow and after that for several days. But Usman, the chief of intelligence had nothing to tell me yet. he was still waiting for the confirmation.

After a week he said, everything was fine with my permit and I could take the gun but I had to buy dinner for the cops and sign a letter that I received my gun back.

As I was walking out of the station I was stopped by two cops and they took my gun back.
i went back to the commander and Usman, they said, I was lying and they have a letter and they don’t have my gun anymore.
I came back home but I wasn’t feeling safe, I felt - if the cops are trying to steal there is no insurance that the thieves are not going to come back and there is for sure no faith in police that they could stop or catch them.

I decided to move in to town and found a flat in Kabul.
I have a small construction company specialising in building bridges and hand pump well.

I am not quite used to live in a flat but I had to learn and accommodate.
I woke up one morning and I couldn’t find my car in the parking place. the parking lot is protected by police who received some monthly fee for the service. But they couldn’t tell me where my car was and they were very sure it should be where I parked it.

I called the police station to tell them my car was stolen. They filed a report and referred me to their superior and the procession continued until I was in the office of Kabul chief criminal investigation office.

A man with thick moustache and a big camouflage jacket was sitting behind a big desk with Karzai and Massoud pictures hanging over his head. He is looking at a piece of paper which has my car specifications on it.
- so somebody stole your car
- seems like it, I don’t have it anymore
- can I see the key
- Why does that make a difference?
- It’s a prove of your ownership
- but you have all the documents in front of you.

Then he started to ask me if I am suspected of anyone I said No. he tried it for an hour but I really didn’t suspect anyone.

- who else was using your car
- sometimes friends and family
- what are the names and address?

I knew if I give him any name, they would be in trouble. He was starting to get edgy with me,
- if you don’t give me any suspects how the hell I am supposed to find the thieve. Have you ever repaired your car?

I told him no but of course I did, I had the car for two years and I was doing regular check ups. Then I saw a light on his eyes and he said here it says you have once made a replicant key,

- did you know the key maker could keep the sketch and can make one anytime.

We are going to bring in the key-man for investigation; he is the major lead we have at this point.
They called me after two days and I saw the keymaker behind the bars, I couldn’t recognise him first because I met him a year a go and it was for a few minutes. But he wasn’t alone. I asked the investigator, who are the other guys?
- they are all prime suspects they are all connected to the keymaker.

The key maker said, he wanted to see me in private.
“look I know it’s not your fault that we are here and you know I didn’t do it nor did these other guys. This entire case is a pretext for the police to make some money and I have talked with the investigator if you say we are not your suspects they will let us go we have paid them.”

Then the investigator came and said if he shall keep them until they talk. I said I don’t think it’s them. He said

-well if you don’t think they are your suspects then we should let them go.

I called the police a couple of weeks later and a colonel told me:

- You didn’t have any suspects and you know if you don’t have any we can’t find your car.
- You should do your job without my hint.
- You are very naïve. We all knew the car was in Pakistan before you know it was stolen.

A month was gone from my last day of visit to police. One day the police came to my office and arrested me along with NATO inspectors.
A British soldier from NATO told me there was a suicide car attacked on NATO troops in Kabul where two NATO soldier died and they found the number plate of the improvised explosive car, after they tracked it they found out I was the owner.

I said:
- But you know my car was stolen more than a month ago and I have reported it to the police.
- But you didn’t report to us. That is why we take you for questioning.
- I didn’t know you were running the country.
I think I said a few words which got me into trouble and I know I shouldn’t have said it.
I was kept in Kabul jail for a couple of days then they hand me over to Americans in Bagram airbase where I lived in a tent for a couple of days eating MREs and then according to my guardians they found enough evidence that me or my company has financed the attack and somehow they linked me to the suicider. One day they put a black sack over my head and when they took it off they told me I was in Guantanamo.

My name is sanjar qiam I am a journalist. I met Faqeer Ahmadi in the ceremony held for prisoners release by Afghan Peace and Reconciliation commission. He was among eight Afghan men who were released from Guantanamo. He was sitting under the sun caressing his long beard when I came and sat next to him.
- Are you going to shave it?
- Shave what?
- Your beard
- Yeah sure, the peace commission give us 2000 Afghanis to buy razor blade

He showed me an envelope and burst laughing.
I was shaking my head and smiling, he asked me:

- why aren’t you recording the chairman
- I have it in archive; he says the same thing every time.
- I could guess but there is not much else he could say. I am just hoping it’s not going to be too long. Need to see my family - can’t wait.

Faqeer really stroke me, one would think he might be furious and pissed off with Americans. but he was very funny and took the whole thing as a misunderstanding.

Monday, January 08, 2007

تجربه تنظیم های اسلامی افغانستان، روش امریکا برای تصرف جهان اسلام

مراکز قرن بیستم قدرت در شرق میانه کم رنگتر می شود. بغداد، دمشق و قاهره قدرت خود را به تهران و ریاض می دهد. در این میان ایالات متحده امریکا نقش عمده را در توازن قدرت بازی می نماید، امریکا در حال بحث روی سياست جدیدی برای شرق میانه و دنیای اسلام می باشد. در یک بیانیه که در ماه جنوری در مقابل کمیته روبط خارجی مجلس سنا امریکا ارائه گردید، وزیر خارجه خانم کاندولیسه رایس گفت "در شرق میانه موقف های جدید راهبردی بوجود آمده است" که "اصلاح طلبان" را از "افراطیون" جدا می سازد. رایس با اشاره به کشور های سنی آنها را مراکز میانه روی خواند و افزود که ایران، سوریه و حزب الله "در انسوی خط قرار دارند". رایس افزود " ايران و سوريه گزینشی نموده اند و آن بی ثبات ساختن منطقه است"
راهبرد جدید یک تغیر بزرگی در سياست امریکا است. کشور های سنی " از ظهور شیعیان در هراس بوده، و خیلی ها متاثر از طرز برخود امریکا با شیعیان میان رو در عراق بودند" یک مشاور دولت امریکا دارای روابط نزدیک با اسرائیل است گفت. "ما نمی توانیم که دست آورد های شیعیان عراق را از آنها بگیریم اما ما میتوانیم که انرا متوقف بسازیم."
"به نظر میرسد که در داخل دولت امریکا بحثی جریان داشته که کدام روند خطرناکتر است – ایران و یا سنیان افراطی" ولی نصر یک دانشمند امریکایی در مجلس روابط خارجی امریکا گفت:"عربستان سعودی و یک تعداد از اراکین دولت امریکا به این باور اند که ایران یک تهدید بزرگتر است و افراطیون سنی خطری است کوچکتر. که این خود پیروزی شمرده میشود به عربستان سعودی و همقطارانش"
در معراق توجه روابط امریکا و عربستان سعودی بعد از مسـاله ایران، نفت، و عراق – لبنان قرار دارد. عربستان سعودی عمیقأ در کوشش های امریکا و اسرائیل جهت حمایت از دولت لبنان دست داشته است. صدراعظم لبنان فواد سینیوره در مقابل حزب الله مجادله می نماید تا بر اریکه قدرت باقی بماند، حزب الله که یک حزب شیعه میباشد ساختار های محکمی در لبنان دارد، حدود دو تا سه هزار جنگجو فعال و هزاران عضو دیگر دارد.
وضعیت فعلی حمایت عربستان سعودی و امریکا از سنی های افراطی مشابهات زیادی به حمایت امریکا و عربستان از سنی های افراطی در دهه های هشتاد و نود میلادی در افغانستان دارد.
ولی نصر وضعیت کنونی را با ظهور القاعده مقایسه می نماید. در آن زمان دولت عربستان سعودی پیشکشی به جنگ مخفی امریکا با شوروی ها در افغانستان نمود. صدها جوان سعودی به مناطق مرزی میان افغانستان و پاکستان ارسال شدند، این جوانان اقدام به ایجاد مدارس، مراکز اموزشی و محلات نفرگیری نمودند. در آن زمان همچون حالا اکثر کسانی که توسط سعودی ها تادیه می گردیدند سلفی ها بودند، که در میان شان اسامه بن لادن و همکاران او که القاعده را در سال 1988 بنا نهادند نیز شامل بود.
به گزارش گروه بین المللی بحران حلقات سنی در داخل دولت لبنان وجود دارد که به افراطیون سلفی پول می دهدند. این گروه که ارتباطاتی با اخوان المسلمین دارد در تلاش ایجاد یک کشور کوچک در شمال لبنان هستند. گروه بین المللی بحران گزارش می دهد که " این مردان در مراکز القاعده در افغانستان اموزش دیده اند"
امریکا در زمان بحران و تنش معمولآ، هم بشکل دپلوماسی علنی و هم به گونه عملیات سری، درب جنگ رو برو را باز می نماید که اکثرأ به شکل گشاد نمودن مخالفت های فرقه یی میباشد.
همچو جنگ افغانستان؛ در لبنان امریکا و عربستان تا حال میلیارد ها دالر در حمایت از گروه های خود پول سرازير کرده اند.
دیپلومات های امریکایی، اروپایی و عرب گفته اند که از جمله میلیارد ها دالر کمک شده به دولت لبنان، دولت اجازه داده است تا یک مقدار آن به دست گروه های افراطی سنی در شمال لبنان، در وادی بیکا و اردوگاه های مهاجرین فلسطینی در جنوب، برسد. این گروه ها اگر چه کوچک اند اما منحیث مخالفین حزب الله دیده میشوند که روابظ نزدیک با القاعده دارند. این پالیسی بود که امریکا و عربستان و پاکستان در افغانستان پیشه داشتند، هر زمانی که با مخالفین ایديولژیک خود سر می خوردند در سراغ حمایت از مخالفین ایشان از یک گروه افراطی می برامدند.
یک مقام استخباراتی امریکا گفت. " در این جریان، ما یک تعداد از مردان خراب را تمویل خواهیم کرد که همراه با یک سلسله از عواقب غیر قابل پیش بینی خواهد بود. " این مامور استخباراتی افزود" ما توانایی این را نداریم تا از پول خود رسید بدست بیاوریم و از کسانی که ناخواسته است جلوگیری شود" مانند تجربه که در افغانستان تکرار شد.
خانواده سعودی ترس از آن دارد که مبادا ایران توازن قدرت را نه تنها در منطقه بلکه در کشور خودشان نیز تغییر دهد. عربستان سعودی دارای یک اقلیت قابل ملاحظه شیعه در ولایت شرقی این کشور میباشد، این منظقه نفت خیز بوده و سابقه تنش های فرقه یی را دارد. مقامات خانواده سلطنتی سعودی به این عقیده اند که اعمال ایرانی در همکاری با شیعیان محلی مسوؤل چند حمله هراس افگنی میباشند.
امروز یگانه ارتش که قادر به متوقف نمودن ایران بود – ارتش عراق – توسط ایالات متحده از بین رفته است. ما ایرانی داریم که احتمالأ نیروی ذره وی خواهد داشت و دارای یک ارتش حاضر قریب به نیم میلیون سرباز میباشد در حالی که عربستان سعودی دارای ارتش حاضر هفتاد و پنج هزار نفر میباشد.
ولی نصر ادامه میدهد : "خانواده سعودی امکانات وسیع مالی در دست دارد و هم روابط بسیار نزدیک با اخوان المسلمین و سلفی ها دارد. بار اخری که ایران یک تعدید بود کشور عربستان توانست از خرابترین نوع افراطی گری اسلامی کار گیرد. مشکلی که با سلفی ها است که اگر انها را یک بار از صندوق کشید دوباره گذاشتن شان نا ممکن است" از همچو افراطی گرایی، در قالب تنیظیم های جهادی و طالبی، در جریان دهه نود میلادی عیله اقلیت های افغانستان نیز استفاده شده است که بلاخره خود امریکا و جهان مجبور به مداخله گردیدند تا گروه های افراطی را سر جایشان قرار دهند.