شخص مسؤول نیست

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انجینر شاه محمود عاصم یکی از اعضای کمیسیون مستقل رادیو تلویزیون افغانستان میباشد. محترم عاصم مدت چند روزی میشود که غرض یک سفر رسمی عازم ولایت بلخ گردیده است. اما در غیابت وی هیچ یک از همکاران وی قادر به اجرای وظایف عاصم نمیباشد. به تمام معروضین و مراجعین کمیسیون رسانه ها گفته میشود که بعد از برگشت آقا عاصم، جهت اجرات، مراجعه نمایند، زیرا دیگران اسناد و دانش عمیقی که عاصم دارد، ندارند.

کمیسیون مستقل رادیو تلویزیون جهت ثبت رسانه های برقی و چاپی در چوکات قانون رسانه ها ایجاد گردیده است. به اساس ماده 43 قانون رسانه ها، کمیسیون هم وظیفه دارد بر نشرات رسانه ها نظارت داشته باشد.
وظایف این کمیسیون لازم میدارد تا اعضای کمیسیون با رسانه ها در ارتباط نزدیک بوده و به عرایض رسانه ها که معمولأ عاجل میباشد رسیده گی فوری نماید. عدم رسیده گی کمیسیون به مسایلی هم چون انتقال ملکیت رادیو، زمینه را به دولت و مقامات محلی مغرض مساعد میسازد تا آنها در مورد مداخله نموده، که به این ترتیب آزادی رسانه را سلب نمایند.

کمیسیون رسانه ها هم با فراگیری از دیگر نهاد های دولتی، با مراجعین برخورد نهادینه نه مگر برخورد دکانداری مینماید. اگر محترم عاصم تشریف ندارد، در یک نهاد، همکار وی، اقدام مینماید تا کار به تعویق نیفتد. در صورت که عاصم یگانه شخصی است که میتواند از عهده آن کار براید، در ان صورت وی باید همیشه در دفتر بماند، سفر چند روزه به فلان نقطه کشور از وظایف شخصی نه باید باشد که ضرورت آن تا حدی لازم هست که عضو دیگر کمیسیون نمیتواند، جا گزین او گردد. سفر چند روزه آقا عاصم در تناقص مستقیم با دستور کاری کمیسیون قرار دارد، وظیفه کمیسیون رسیده گی به عرایض است نه تحقیق و پژوهش که متقاضی سفر به ولایات باشد.

اینکه چند شخص معین مظهر یک نهاد میشود عواملی مختلفی دارد. در اکثر نهاد های افغانستان در غیبت یک مامور همکاران دیگر جاگزین وی نمیگردد. مامورین افغانستان، خصوصأ کارمندان دولتی، ارزشی چندانی به مشتریان خود قایل نیستند و تلاش کافی نمی نمایند تا مشکل مراجعین حل گردد. دوم اینکه کمیسیون های چون کیمسیون رادیو تلویزیون به فوریت اقدام خود نمی اندیشند. عدم هم اهنگی میان کارمندان یک اداره، دلیل دیگری است که آنها نمی توانند جای یک همکار غایب را پر کنند. نداشت ظرفیت اداری باعث آن گردیده است که ادارات نتوانند معلومات را طوری ذخیره نمایند که از آن اشخاص متعدد استفاده نمایند. غیر معیاری بودن اسناد باعث آن میشود که صرف یک شخص بتواند از آن استفاده نماید.

GUARDING WHOSE SECURITY?

The 1949, Third Geneva Convention (GCIII) does not recognize the difference between defense contractors and PMCs; it defines a category called supply contractors. If the supply contractor has been issued with a valid identity card from the armed forces which they accompany, they are entitled to be treated as prisoners of war upon capture (GCIII Article 4.1.4). If, however, the contractor engages in combat, he/she can be classified as a mercenary by the captors under the 1997 Protocol I Additional to the Geneva Conventions (Protocol I) Article 47.c, unless falling under an exemption to this clause in Article 47. If captured contractors are found to be mercenaries, they are a unlawful combatants and lose the right to prisoner of war status.

Much of the peacekeeper training the United States provides to Afghan military is done by private firms, and with the increasing absence of Western military support to international peace operations, the private sector is commonly utilized to provide services to peace and stability operations in the south of Afghanistan, mercenaries engages in conventional battles. The Bonn agreement which provides legal ground for presence of international force in Afghanistan is quiet on the issue of mercenaries.
The Uniformed Code of Military Justice does not apply to these contractors in Afghanistan. what law governs their actions? Rumsfeld once answered that Afghanistan has its own domestic laws which he assumed applied to those private military contractors. However, Afghanistan is clearly not currently capable of enforcing its laws, much less against -- over foreign military contractors. there is no solution to the issue of bringing illegal combatant under a system of law in Afghanistan today, the US came up with one which has been criticized widely, american government put illegal Afghan illegal combatant in Guantanamo prison and instead sent thousands of American illegal combatant to Afghanistan.

In theory, private contracting creates competitive pressure to reduce costs, but in practice the bidding process can be so opaque and distorted by favoritism that it becomes an empty formality... The financial savings have turned out to be highly debatable. The costs and attendant risks are not. The government's monopoly of violence -- its role as the guarantor of civil peace and the rule of law -- has been diluted by the new arrangements. Hiring Afghan police is cheaper, and a better security solution too. the total budget of Afghan armed forces on annual basis is less than the amount of money spent on foreign security contractors in Afghanistan. In most of western countries, national labor statistics indicate that more jobs will be created in the private security field than any other categories over the next decade. The number of private guards are in millions in the west.

Several of these private US military contractors have been accused of having been involved in committing war crimes such as the deaths of Iraqis during interrogation. There is no method of formally trying such people for war crimes.
Its in the benefit of Nato to support proper regulation of the industry because it would dispel a lot of the myths and make the situation much clearer.
It would add clarity to what security contractors can and can't do and where they stand with regard to the law.

iran and afghanistan

Iran has given political and material support to Afghan President Hamid Karzai's Western-backed government, but it also may have aided the Taliban guerrillas as a way of hedging its bets inside its eastern neighbor, NATO's top general here suggested Monday.U.S. Army Gen. Dan McNeill, in an interview with The Associated Press, said Taliban fighters are showing signs of better training, using combat techniques to pin down U.S. Special Forces soldiers comparable to "an advanced Western military."Iran's possible role in aiding insurgents has been a hotly debated topic in Iraq, and there were allegations from some Western and Persian Gulf governments last month that the Islamic government in Tehran is secretly bolstering Taliban fighters in Afghanistan. "In Afghanistan it is clear that the Taliban is receiving support, including arms from ... elements of the Iranian regime," British Prime Minister Tony Blair wrote in the Economist on May 31.Iran — already criticized by the West for a number of issues including its nuclear program — hotly disputes the accusation, saying it is part of a broad anti-Iranian campaign and that it makes no sense for a Shiite-led government like itself to assist the fundamentalist Sunni movement of the Taliban.McNeill, the commander of 36,000 troops in NATO's International Security Assistance Force, said the indications cut both ways. There is "ample evidence" Iran is helping the Karzai government, particularly with road construction and electricity in western Afghanistan, but Iran may also have helped the Taliban and other political opponents of Karzai, he said."So what does that add up to?" McNeill said. "It makes me think of a major American corporation that will give political campaign money to three or four different candidates for president of the United States. ... This corporation wants to be aligned with whomever comes out on top."McNeill, a 60-year-old four-star general from North Carolina who has fought in most American conflicts since Vietnam, said he had no hard evidence that the Iranian government has helped the Taliban. He said munitions, particularly mortar rounds, "clearly ... made in Iran" have been found on the battlefield in Afghanistan, but said that does not prove that the Iranian government is formally involved in aiding Taliban fighters."If I had the information, I would have no reservation about saying it," he added.In a separate interview Monday, Iran's ambassador to Afghanistan denied his government is helping the Taliban."This is not correct," Mohammad R. Bahrami said at Iran's Kabul embassy. "The return of extremism in Afghanistan will affect not only Afghanistan and the region, but the entire world."

FACTS on al qaida

1. If mostly living in backwards poor countries Moslims are being considered 'Deprived and Depressed' by illiterates of Al Qaeda, 80% of Non Moslims also live in poor countries of the world. 2. 55% of World Population lives in Abject Poverty, while only 20% of Moslims have the same status. 3. Moslims living in the West, advanced countries, Turkey, Central Asian Countries, the countries of northern Africa, Middle East, Malaysia, Brunei etc do not live in Abject Poverty and a life of 'Deprivation and Depression'.4. Kuwait and Brunei are in the list of richest nations of the world and actually Moslim countries of Central Asia, Northern Africa, Saudi Arabia, UAE, Malaysia etc can not be considered 'Poverty-stricken' nations of the world though there could be some pockets of Abject Poverty found in a few of them.5. Al Qaeda is pointing-out to Poverty in Moslim Countries without realizing the reasons of it, which are High Illiteracy Rate, Backwardness and massive Corruption in Poor Moslim Countries.6. Al Qaeda claims to be "waging Allah's war to dissolve the global borders" but it does not explain, why it should not dissolve the borders of its own Moslim people's Countries first. Why Moslims need Visas to visit each others countries and Moslim Countries themselves do not believe in Emigration of even their own Moslim Brothers from other countries? CONCLUSION: Ignorant illiterate Rats of Al Qaeda want to conquer this world by Suicidal Sneak Attack Terrorism but they have no educated people to run this so complicated world that is Philosophically a thousand years ahead of them therefore, their status is no more than House Pests in this Global Village, needing constant Insecticide Sprays.

Rise in Violence in North Shows Afghanistan's Fragility

Angry supporters of Gen. Abdul Rashid Dostum, the ethnic Uzbek strongman, clashed with the police in the northern town of Shiberghan on Monday, leaving at least seven people dead and 34 wounded, officials said. The government sent army units to the area, anticipating further unrest. Also in the north, a suicide bomber attacked a convoy of foreign security contractors, killing himself and two Afghan civilians. It was the fourth such attack in the north in the past two weeks. The bombings in the relatively peaceful north indicated a rise in insurgent activity, and the violence in Shiberghan was a reminder of how tenuous Afghanistan?s internal stability remains, with former militia leaders like General Dostum still capable of rallying armed supporters to settle local power struggles. A United Nations official said Monday that as many as 380 civilians had been killed in the conflict in Afghanistan in the first four months of 2007, and called on Western military forces and the Taliban to respect international humanitarian law and do more to avoid civilian casualties. "The protection and safety of civilians must come first and foremost," Richard Bennett, the United Nations? top human rights officer in Afghanistan, said at a news briefing in Kabul. The conflict in Shiberghan began when more than 1,000 protesters from the youth movement of General Dostum's political party, Junbesh-e-Milli, demanded that the provincial governor be removed, and tried to storm his office. Most of those killed and wounded were shot by the police as they tried to contain the crowd, townspeople said. Among the dead was the deputy leader of the Junbesh Youth Movement, said Rais Qurban, a resident. Another resident, Mujib-u-Rahman, said that NATO peacekeepers were present in the town and that fighter jets were heard overhead. But it was unclear what role the peacekeepers might have played, and NATO has made no statement about the episode. Mr. Rahman said by telephone that residents stayed off the streets, shops were closed and every square was full of soldiers. The crowd was protesting the arrest of six men for the attempted assassination of a legislator from the region, Ahmad Khan, who was a senior representative of Junbesh but recently split with General Dostum, an Interior Ministry statement said. The governor of Jowzjan Province, Juma Khan Hamdard, is a former ally of General Dostum?s who had fallen out with him over the arrests. Government officials accused General Dostum's supporters of taking the law into their own hands and rioting under the guise of holding a demonstration. In a statement, the Interior Ministry said that the rioters fired on security forces, wounding four policemen, and that dozens of General Dostum's armed supporters attacked the governor?s house and disarmed and beat guards. "We had received 41 patients in our main hospital," Dr. Mirwais Amini, acting chief of public health for the province, said in a telephone interview. "Seven of them died in the hospital and two others are in critical condition." Most of the wounded were young people with bullet wounds, he said. The provincial police chief, Gen. Khalil Aminzada, said Monday evening that the Afghan police and army were in control of the city, but that they were receiving reports from the villages that more than 500 people were preparing to attack the city. "The situation is very bad and we are waiting for an attack by Dostum's supporters," he said. President Hamid Karzai condemned the violence in a statement and ordered the army and the police to restore order. "It is the legitimate and constitutional right of every Afghan to take part in peaceful demonstrations, but these demonstrations must not turn violent and cause the breakdown of law and order in the country," he said. General Dostum, a Soviet-trained general, has dominated his ethnic Uzbek region in northern Afghanistan for almost three decades, gaining a reputation for ruthlessness, both against his enemies and within his party and militia. His militia have been disarmed and he has been removed from official life, holding only the symbolic post of chief of staff for defense. But he remains a powerful presence in Jowzjan, his home province. The suicide attack on Monday, in Kunduz, was aimed at private security contractors who slowed for a speed bump, Agence France-Presse reported, quoting local police officials. It said the Taliban claimed responsibility for the attack. Two policemen were killed in a separate attack on a United Nations food convoy, Agence France-Presse said, citing officials. It said that in another attack in the south, which has been the center of Taliban activity, a NATO soldier was killed in an explosion and another soldier and an interpreter were wounded, citing a NATO statement.

مجرمينی كه به دولت پناه نبرند ، پس به كجا روند؟

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وقتي پاي بي شيمه حارنوال والي بگير و شاروال بدوان به شهر هرات رسيد ، شهرسوار هرات مي بخشيد شاروال هرات آقاي چوچه مجددي را با پشتاره 5 ميليوني گير نمود .
تجارب اختلاصي آقاي چوچه مجددي آنقدر محدود نبود كه با چند تپ تپ پاي لرزان حارنوال ،از مردم سواري دست بكشد.
همان بود كه كميشن كاران، چريكك ها ، گرگك ها و چمچه يي هايش را ملبس با لباس شاروالي ساخته و مظاهره حارنوال ترسانك را تا حارنوالي به راه انداخت ، كه‌ با اين كار خود ارزش قانوني مظاهره را هم اختلاس كرد.
در سابق میگفتند که دزد نباشی از پادشاه مترس، اگر رفیق مجددی نمیترسید پس چرا یک گروه را قبل از بازپرسی حارنوال ها به ترساندن شان میفرستاد. بعضی ها به این نظر اند که این عمل بچه ترسانک شهردار هرات نه تنها که تلاشی جهت ستر و اغفا دزدیش بود بلکه او از یک ارزش دموکراتیک سوء استفاده نموده است.

با آن هم حارنوال با تپ تپ چند پاي ، چوچه مجددي را از هرات دواند.
اين گرفتن ودواندن ، ‌مردم اختلاص شده و به جوش آمده را اندكي آرام ساخت. آنان با خود ميگفتند: دولت خو برده ما بيدار شده ،‌ ما بي جاه در حافظه هاي چورشده خود حادثه هشت جوزا را بار ديگر ميپرورانيم ..... نه نه دولت بيدار شده است ، ديگر اين شعر درست نيست :
به زير تور عدالت نرفت سرقتمند.
حمايه ميشود از جانب سياستمنــــد

به هر صورت آقاي چوچه مجددي از هرات فرار كرد. شايد فكر كنيد كه حتماً از وطن فرار كرد. نه در خارج جاي نداشت ،‌ باز دولت كه باشد چرا خارج؟! زيرا نیمه یی دولت از مجرمين است ومجرمين از دولت! خوب مجددي کوچک به دولت پناه برد. حارنوال میگیوند که رفیق مجددی از پول ساختن پنج ستاره وند زده است.

هر چه شده بود ؛ اما محكمه بايد كار ميكرد چون مختلس با پشتاره بود ؛ اگر خودش را پنهان كردند ،‌ پشتاره 5 ميليونيش را چي ميكردند.
محكمه كار نمود ؛‌ ولي كار چرب و نرم !!
چوچه مجددي كه به اساس ماده 270 قانون بايد به حبس كواسه دار محكوم ميشد يعني تا صاحب كواسه ميشد بايد در زندان ميماند ؛‌ مگر به اساس ماده 161 قانون به حبس چكري محكوم شد.
در اینجاست که حارنوالی که چوچه مجددی را به چنگک کشیده بود از نتیجه محکمه از خرسند نیستند

خو باز محکمه دیگر چیزی میگوید:

( به قول دو حارنوال)
وزيرو قاضي و والي و دزد مؤتلف اند
كجا عريضه برد آدم حاجتمنـــــــــــــد؟

شاعر بي جا سروده گناه قاضيان نبود؛‌ اگر آن دو احكام قانون ياد شده بجاي ماده ‌،‌ نر ميبودند يك كارميشد.
اگر نه نر و یا نه ماده هم تطبیق میشود باز هم یک کار میشود. همین امروز اضافه تر از 620 نفر در زندان پلچرخی زندانی هستند، این آدمک های بی واسطه منتظر فیصله محکمه هستند. در قانون اساسی ما گفته شده که تا فیصله محکمه هر شخص حالت اصلی را دارد – یعنی بیگناه هستند.

رفتییم که از حضرت والی رفیق مجددی بپرسیم که چرا متهم شده بود و یک خوش آمدیدی به دفترش بگوییمش.
بنده خود یک اندازه آدم کم دل هستم با صد ازر و زاری همکارم اجمل خالقیار را رازی کردم که به دفتر حضرتک برود. حضرت برایش گفت فردا بیا اما امروز نظرش را تغیر داد و گفت:

اجمل جان معذرت میخواهم که ترا بدیدن رفیق فرستادم، میگویند که حالا افراد امنیت را بدنبال اجمل انداخته اند.

نقش بابه مجددي !
زماني كه چوچه مجددي به كابل ميآيد ،‌ در زير بالاپوش تكيه گاه آقاي كرزي يعني بابه مجددي پناه ميبرد .
بابه مجددي چه ميكرد ؛‌ چون مسؤوليت رهاي زنداني ها را بدوشش بسته اند ، موصوف به اساس دين ديني ،‌ وظيفوي و خانوادگي خود مجبور شد با شور دادن شاه و لقانك ساختن حارنوال ثابت ،‌ كم گناهي چوچه مجددي را ثابت سازد. بابه مجددی چندی اختاریه را که نثار ثابت نمود، مسکین پس کشک کرد. نفر های ثابت میگویند که ثابت ادمی نیست که تنها بابه حضرت بتواند بی ثباتش کند – پایه های خوب ثابت است. اما در این قضیه بابه حضرت تهدید استعفا کرد و حتی کرزی کمی وارخطا شده بود.
گرچه مردم بار ديگر همان اشعار را ميخوانند و از خو بردگي و او بردگي دولت قصه ها ميكنند:

به زير تور عدالت نرفت سرقتمنـــد
حمايه ميشود از جانب سياستمنــــــد
به هرچه دزد و دغل احترام بايدكرد
مقام دزد بود موقف شرافتمنـــــــــــد

اما اما اما هنگامي كه بابه مجددي مكتوب مقرري چوچه مجددي را به دستش ميداد گفت:
هر قدر برايت ميگفتيم كه نسبت به تو ،‌ يك دو پيراهن دونتبان را بيشتر پاره كرده ايم ؛‌ ولي به حرف ما توجه نميكردي .
بچيم ! ما دنيا ره خورديم .... و تو هرات را خورده نتوانستي ...
جانم ! شهر سواري و مردم سواري هنر ميخواهد ،‌ برو و در آينده متوجه باش !!

باز ده شهر و بازار کم کم پیشانی مردم ترش دیده میشود. یگان دان اش میگوید: در دولت کرزی تعداد زیاد از کسانی موجود اند که متهم به فروش و قاچاق مواد مخدر، اسلحه، انسان، دستبرد به دارای عامه، جهل کاری، سواستفاده از مقام و جنایات جنگی اند. در گزارش که بتاریخ 19 مارچ از جانب بنیاد افغانستان شفاف بنشر رسیده است گفته شده که نارضایتی مردم از دولت منجر به شورش ها خواهد گردید، یکی از مسوولین نامسلمان افغانستان شفاف بنام سکات بولینجر گفت "فساد افغانستان به نکته رسیده که باید در مورد نگران بود"

Legitimacy of International Forces under question in Afghanistan

Neither NATO nor coalition forces are UN peace keeping force in Afghanistan but they are deployed under a mandate of the UNSC (four UNSCRs - 1386, 1413, 1444 and 1510 - relate to ISAF). the Bonn agreement called on the presence of international force in Kabul to provide security for the establishment of Afghan Interim Administration and to keep the city clear of Afghan armed groups. Unfortunately, the provisions of the agreement were disregarded in the first few days, eighteen thousand Northern alliance troops, those who burned Kabul to Ashes before being kicked out by Taliban, entered the town. The provision of Bonn agreement even at the time of convention was not taking ground realities into account, “the Bonn agreement was a cover up for US and UK invasion. The US and its allies start attacking the Taliban before Bonn convention and without Security Council endorsement.” said Akbar Aria, international relation analyst. the Bonn agreement didn't consider who would provide security in the provinces and five thousand troops deployed under UN mandate was in no way enough to provide security in the most dangerous and destabilized part of the world, the force since then has been increased by 700% plus more than 75000 Afghan security forces but according to Chris Alexander the former Canadian ambassador to Afghanistan it will take three more generations to overcome the insurgency.
The Bonn agreement was a provisional arrangement for Afghanistan pending the re-establishment of permanent government institutions, the Bonn agreement was the initial series of agreements intended to re-create the State of Afghanistan. Now that the core objective of Bonn is achieved and elected government is established the government need to endorse NATO and foreign troops presence. ISAF under NATO command is claiming that they are on a "humanitarian mission," and operates under UN command while they are not; it's a counter insurgency operation, the toughest in the alliance history. Furthermore, previous UN "peace-keeping missions" were sanctioned by Chapter 6 of the UN Charter which calls for "peaceful settlement in a conflict" without the use of force; American-led Coalition Force and NATO-led international force deployed in Afghanistan is sanctioned under Chapter 7 which specifically lets UN-authorized troops use force to carry out their mission. In a proposal to Afghan Parliament, Afghan National United Front, an alliance of fifty political parties calls on the parliament to define the extent of use of force.
“There is no operational coordination procedure between international forces and Afghan security forces” said General Zahir Azimi spokesperson for ministry of defense. Five Afghan police were shot dead when their position was mistaken for Taliban hideout by Americans in Garishk district of Helmand province on Friday. A mechanism needs to be established to coordinate counter-terrorism operations with counter-insurgency operations and carry out all such operations in consultation with Afghan authorities. “We have several times intercepted foreigners in Kabul armed with heavy weapon in civilian cloths and cars” a Kabul police source which wanted to stay anonymous. Afghan security forces can’t question the identity and action of foreign troops in the absence of a national stand. NATO press office declined to make any comment on this specific issue.
ISAF’s mission was initially limited to Kabul. Resolution 1510 passed by Security Council on 13 October 2003 opened the way for a wider ISAF role. This is after ISAF came under NATO command in August 2003 and financed by common funding and the troop-contributing nations. The Alliance is responsible for the command, coordination and planning of the force. This includes providing the force commander and headquarters. but resolution 1510 nor any of it's predecessor authorizes NATO force in Afghanistan.
Coalition and ISAF had a Military Technical Agreement with the Afghan Transitional Government which still provides additional guidance for ISAF operations. the technical agreement is made under the auspices of security council and Afghan government is not the counterpart but a partner. The details of the plan are outdated and no more applicable. "I can't prevent Taliban from killing Afghan civilians, but I also don't have the mandate to prevent foreign assistance force" said Karzai in the inauguration of transitional justice program. "Bonn accord and United Nation were compelled by the white house to find a solution to Afghan question which was one of the most complicated issues of the world, the UN is in need of reconstruction more than Afghanistan, it's over due since the end of the cold war. We need to rethink our international dimension. We are too preoccupied with slapping each other, starting with Pakistan; it has a better international position if Afghanistan is not considered as a bargainer. for twenty five years men we have in power now were in the service of Pakistani policy” said Akbar Aria international relation analyst

Afghanistan would be in a better position to resolve a lot of its internal issues if solution for international alignments is found. Let’s look at the latest Afghan-international commitments, this series of agreements impose the defeated faction and ideas on Afghanistan. "We are a small nation we can't go to the world powers and organizations and enquire how they legitimize their action. It’s a matter of their interest. We have no say in our interest let alone to influence theirs. We are a consumer country and we rely on donors, we are in no position to negotiate with them, we can try to continue to ask them to give us money, give us food and a government" added Akbar Aria.

“Afghanistan is a long way from making international agreements. We can't agree with each other, if we are endorsing the emergency Loya Jirga and the constitution then Presidential is the power system. Even our president doesn't understand how a presidential system works, he is spending most of his time wrestling with the parliament while presidential system works on parties, the president comes from a party and the parliament has party stand. We have marginalized political parties so we can keep things simpler. Agreeing with each other and international partners increases efficiency. the head of our parliament can't interpret article 50 of the constitution. What has been imposed on Afghan society put head of parliament in his place as opposed to efficiency.
Efficiency is not going to be increase if we replace Karzai or Qanooni (head of parliament) this is where we are now, in a vicious circle of undermining one another in the hope of a better solution. Let’s rethink about the system which is imposed by foreigners, if we come to some terms with them we don't have to disagree with each other. Imposed policies delibately or ignorantly make us bite each other.” said Akbar Aria. Afghanistan’s international and multi-lateral relation is highly complex and it's needed to avoid international distrust again, our parents got trapped in international distrust and we suffered for it a lot we don't want the same thing for our children. "we lived in a government of nine flags at the throat of each other, I still see them in power, the only thing which hold them back is international presence and they are buying time. Whatever we do we need to stay with the international community" said Saliullah Sali, chairman of senate defense committee.

The question still remains who is our international ally? The UN, which sends “peace-keeping troops” for us or we need to search for alternatives. Last few decades witnesses that Afghanistan had a poor choice of allies i.e. USSR and then UN. both let Afghanistan down. the UN has played an important role in destabilizing most of the conflicts and has failed to prevent potential ones. UN failed to help Rwanda, Srebrenica and didn't do enough to stop south African apartheid.
Geneva accord mediated by UN which resulted in the withdrawal of soviet forces failed to install "national government of peace and reconstruction", to organize the Loya Jirgah, and an effective resettlement and reconstruction program. UN also failed to prevent interference and intervention in Afghanistan although the agreement contained mechanisms to deal with them. The 1989 Loya Jirga was not convened and a new wave of violence started. UN set backed and watched the three year long battles and then tricked Dr. Najibullah into resignation resulting in collapse of Kabul government and the destruction of the last social fabrics. Then UN witnessed ferocious inter-Mujahdeen war and a revival of Middle Ages by Taliban "Afghanistan would be better off if we could come to some sort of terms with any international partner without UN involvement. I’ll give you a couple of examples; the UN convened Afghan presidential election where they persuade American political agenda and sabotaged the election. UN corruption, wrong doings and bad policies also affected parliamentary election" said Bashir Bizhan deputy president of Afghan national congress party. "Legitimate presence of international forces is to the interest of both sides, if we reevaluate the terms an American soldier will think twice before they open fire on civilians in Nangarhar. They might spend more carefully the money which is supposed to change the course of our destiny on bottled water and fancy meals"

“We met with Karzai and NATO on Nangarhar shooting spree. It’s not enough to consider it only an unfortunate accident” said senator Salih of Kunar province. “The only way to stop civilian casualty and public discontent is to enter into new terms with foreign troops. Foreign troops have put signs on their tanks ordering pedestrian and traffic to keep away from them. Ambulances and sick people in need of urgent hospital treatment can’t pass over them. They will shoot them” said Bashir Bizhan. The number of civilians shooting as a result of breaching military parameters or not paying heed to military signs has increased tremendously over the last few months. There were at least five of them last week resulting in several casualties, one involved shooting at Pazhwok reporter in Hirat. Military experts I talked to believe this is a by-product of bad security and there is little that could be done to reduce the number of such accidents. It’s partly hard to verify the inevitability of civilian causality because it’s hard to know what really happened. Foreign troops deny access to the scene, associated press reporter was expelled from the scene and his photographs were deleted. Access by independent monitoring groups to information on civilian casualties; incident scene, detainees and displaced persons need to be facilitated.

Afghan National United Front, an alliance of fifty political parties in a proposal to parliament identifies NATO as a national and regional security risk. The proposal calls on all countries with troops in Afghanistan to conclude appropriate status of force agreement and standardize bilateral agreements on the treatment of prisoners with the government, subject to the approval of the National Assembly. War criminals and offenders of military and civilian statue should be prosecuted in Afghanistan under Afghan laws, if any agreement or protocol is in contradiction that needs to be announced invalid.

شخص مسؤول نیست

انجینر شاه محمود عاصم یکی از اعضای کمیسیون مستقل رادیو تلویزیون افغانستان میباشد. محترم عاصم مدت چند روزی میشود که غرض یک سفر رسمی عازم ولایت بلخ گردیده است. اما در غیابت وی هیچ یک از همکاران وی قادر به اجرای وظایف عاصم نمیباشد. به تمام معروضین و مراجعین کمیسیون رسانه ها گفته میشود که بعد از برگشت آقا عاصم، جهت اجرات، مراجعه نمایند، زیرا دیگران اسناد و دانش عمیقی که عاصم دارد، ندارند.

کمیسیون مستقل رادیو تلویزیون جهت ثبت رسانه های برقی و چاپی در چوکات قانون رسانه ها ایجاد گردیده است. به اساس ماده 43 قانون رسانه ها، کمیسیون هم وظیفه دارد بر نشرات رسانه ها نظارت داشته باشد.
وظایف این کمیسیون لازم میدارد تا اعضای کمیسیون با رسانه ها در ارتباط نزدیک بوده و به عرایض رسانه ها که معمولأ عاجل میباشد رسیده گی فوری نماید. عدم رسیده گی کمیسیون به مسایلی هم چون انتقال ملکیت رادیو، زمینه را به دولت و مقامات محلی مغرض مساعد میسازد تا آنها در مورد مداخله نموده، که به این ترتیب آزادی رسانه را سلب نمایند.

کمیسیون رسانه ها هم با فراگیری از دیگر نهاد های دولتی، با مراجعین برخورد نهادینه نه مگر برخورد دکانداری مینماید. اگر محترم عاصم تشریف ندارد، در یک نهاد، همکار وی، اقدام مینماید تا کار به تعویق نیفتد. در صورت که عاصم یگانه شخصی است که میتواند از عهده آن کار براید، در ان صورت وی باید همیشه در دفتر بماند، سفر چند روزه به فلان نقطه کشور از وظایف شخصی نه باید باشد که ضرورت آن تا حدی لازم هست که عضو دیگر کمیسیون نمیتواند، جا گزین او گردد. سفر چند روزه آقا عاصم در تناقص مستقیم با دستور کاری کمیسیون قرار دارد، وظیفه کمیسیون رسیده گی به عرایض است نه تحقیق و پژوهش که متقاضی سفر به ولایات باشد.

اینکه چند شخص معین مظهر یک نهاد میشود عواملی مختلفی دارد. در اکثر نهاد های افغانستان در غیبت یک مامور همکاران دیگر جاگزین وی نمیگردد. مامورین افغانستان، خصوصأ کارمندان دولتی، ارزشی چندانی به مشتریان خود قایل نیستند و تلاش کافی نمی نمایند تا مشکل مراجعین حل گردد. دوم اینکه کمیسیون های چون کیمسیون رادیو تلویزیون به فوریت اقدام خود نمی اندیشند. عدم هم اهنگی میان کارمندان یک اداره، دلیل دیگری است که آنها نمی توانند جای یک همکار غایب را پر کنند. نداشت ظرفیت اداری باعث آن گردیده است که ادارات نتوانند معلومات را طوری ذخیره نمایند که از آن اشخاص متعدد استفاده نمایند. غیر معیاری بودن اسناد باعث آن میشود که صرف یک شخص بتواند از آن استفاده نماید.

Pak-Afghan relation: attempts to improve it

An Afghan journalist delegation visited Pakistan in May. In the course of the trip the delegation visited different Pakistani cities and talked with various Pakistani journalists, officials and activists. The delegation reveals its finding of Pak-Afghan crisis-hit relationship.

Pakistan counter-militancy efforts:

Pakistan Military ruler, General P. Musharaff has assumed a new role as peace maker amongst Islamic countries in southern and central Asia. But analysts believe the gesture is a combination of being too confident and attempts to remain relevant to American policy making in the region.

Musharraf’s role as a Muslim strategist hasn’t been very successful so far. Musharraf suggestion to send a muslim force to Iraq, was utterly rejected by Iraqi foreign minister. Showing the inability of muslim countries to set aside differences, overcome home issues and bring reforms.

Pakistan has serious internal problems, facing extremism just like any other country in the region, topped up by a constitutional crisis.
Pakistan chief justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudary was dismissed by Musharaff, the decision has undermined the independence of Judiciary.
Analysts say that the bold style of justice I. H. Chaudhary and some of his hard decisions might have provoked the decision makers to sideline him instead of taking any risk amidst ongoing judicial activism. There were a number of political cases which were supposed to be brought in the Supreme court for adjudication. A group of military and police officials were also seeking revenge. For instance, general of police Ziaul Hasan was admonished by the chief justice when Punjab police were accused of not implementing 90% directives of the Supreme Court.

Then there is the issue of Pakistan Talibanisatin, Taliban style madrassa students storm capital, Islamabad, streets. This sent a message to the world that Talibanisation of Pakistan is a reality, this is a set back for the return of civilian government and democracy to pakistan, Musharraff has convinced the world when it comes to tackling Taliban properly, he is the person and the civilian government may find it impossible to handle such people. a Pakistani businessman, M Sarwar, said “ the Lal Masjid cleric is taking courage to take the steps he has been taking with a definite backing. The support to the cleric is from strong quarters. Otherwise, there is no reason for the government not to end the standoff and straighten the deal with extremists. There should be no reason to act against those who challenges state sovereignty” international experience is tolerating extremism is not a good policy. By tolerating it we give time for it to grow and whenever extremism sees the situation favorable it will hit on moderate forces. Musharaff has also entered into deals with militants. a peace agreement was concluded on 5 September 2006 between Pakistan and the local Taliban of North Waziristan. But the deal did not prevent the use of the tribal area as a staging ground for attacks on Afghanistan, which had been one of the agreement’s central stipulations. Security incidents involving insurgents instead rose by 50 percent in Khost and 70 per cent in Paktika, between September and November 2006, and were accompanied by intensified propaganda activities in the form of night letters, targeted kidnappings, and preaching by itinerant mullahs. There were reports of cross-border movement in both directions.

Security decisions seem to serve some other purpose not yet clear to media. Ayesha Seddiqa a strategic affairs analyst, on the subject of threat perception said “in politically underdeveloped societies in particular, the armed forces project themselves as saviors … threats are often consciously projected to justify spending on the military”
The Pakistani military is amplifying the threat of extremism; the question is, in the face of losing credibility and reputation, what is the military getting?

Pakistan is the single largest receipt of Washington anti-terror war. In the first four years after 9/11 Pakistan received more than $3billion from the Coalition Support Fund. Because of CSF, Pakistan now ranks as one of the largest recipient of US military aid and assistance, rivaling long-time US favorites Israel and Egypt.

Fighting extremism is not the only problem, the US state department’s 2006 country terrorism report is concerned about Pakistan’s ability “to cooperate internationally on counter terrorism finance issues” but the anti money laundering bill is stalled in the national assembly. Analysts believe the anti-money laundering bill will make the military and its intricately connected crony system of big business and industrialists very uncomfortable. A recent Pakistani securities and exchange report indicates there are at least six key operatives manipulating the stocks.

To strengthen military efforts NATO came up with an initiative, NATO assumed responsibility for co-chairing the military Tripartite Commission, and has made the development of operational cooperation between the Afghan and Pakistani armies one of its highest priorities. An additional working group was created to focus on coordination of border security operations, and an Afghan, Pakistani and ISAF joint operations intelligence cell, tasked with enabling the sharing of military intelligence, was established in Kabul. The question is how much has been achieved through improving tactical coordination. NATO pressed on the twentieth plenary session of the tripartite commission in Pakistan on 12 January 2007. It focused on improving tactical coordination. In addition to the subcommittees for border security, military intelligence-sharing and counter-improvised explosive devices, the Tripartite Commission developed terms of reference for the new Operational Coordination Working Group and conducted preliminary joint planning for offensive pre-emptive operations in spring 2007.

The new operational and tactical coordination terms didn’t stop the insurgency. The figures for March 2007, for example, were almost triple those in January 2006. there was a marked increase in insurgent forces prepared to engage in conventional combat operations against Afghan Military Forces (AMF) and international security forces, and a significant improvement in the insurgents’ tactics and training.
The pre-emptive operations launched, using intelligence-sharing of tripartite commission has so far affected civilians the most; Afghan insurgency has an average of 200 casualties every month, this spring , with a significant number of civilian deaths.

Trade and investment potentials:

Pakistan provides modern rail as well as road facilities and Afghanistan offers short distance for trade. Afghanistan is the natural route for central Asia and eastern china. Afghanistan’s largest border is with Pakistan; therefore it cannot serve as a transit hub between south and central Asia unless relations improve between them. A transit corridor from central to south Asia through Afghanistan would cost less than US$ 6 billion. The returns on this investment, at full development in 2010, in combined regional trade would be 160 percent greater and transit trade would be 111 percent greater than they would have been without the corridor. Shirkhan Bridge is to be inaugurated soon, this will connect Afghanistan and Tajikistan through which Pakistan and the whole central Asia would be linked. An area of 40KM will be declared free trade area in Shirkhan Bandar where Afghan and Tajik traders will roam without a visa.

Renovation of the china, Kyrgyz-Uzbek transnational highway is underway and the road connects china with Tajikistan was recently completed. The possibility that this transport link could provide access for Tajikistan and china to the Indian ocean through Afghanistan and pakistan appears high.

In addition to national products the region could exchange electricity, oil and gas.
Turkmensitan-afghanistan-Pakistan gas pipeline project is important to meet the growing energy needs of pakistan and India. It was this April Afghanistan joined SAARC. Afghanistan and Pakistans’ membership and association of the regional organizations namely SCO, SAARC and ECO lend both countries a unique position to facilitate inter-regional cooperation. Geography has endowed Afghanistan and pakistan with unique potential to become the hub of economic activity in our region.

Agreements on electricity transit were reached between Afghanistan and Pakistan, Tajikistan, the Islamic Republic of Iran and Kyrgyzstan. The agreement facilitates Tajik and Kyrgyz electricity to transit to Afghanistan and Pakistan. The central Asian states produce a large sum of surplus power. Major foreign investment is underway in Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan to build hydroelectric damn and power plants as well as upgrading the technology. Russian companies has invested US$ 370 million in the last three years in Tajik energy sector.
Pakistan and Afghanistan suffer severe power shortage. Less than 12% of Afghan households has access to electricity. Last winter the situation was particularly bad, residential areas had four hours of power every three 72 hours. “Pakistan will soon undertake the renovation of an Afghan power plant” J.J Jamal, federal culture minister of culture of pakistan. Corruption and mismanagement is major part of the problem but power production capacity remains very low. Afghan government has been unable neither to redo power damns nor to build new ones. International community in Afghanistan is also not interested to invest in fundamental projects.

Pakistan also faces power shortage, water and power authorities in Pakistan (WAPDA) has introduced a new plan for power conservation. The plan introduces two hour electricity shed every six hours.

An electricity transmission cable has already been extended from Tajikistan to Kabul.
These positive developments together with the Gwadar project make Pakistan and Afghanistan an indispensable link for SCO member states.

Neighboring countries, Pakistan specifically, has contributed extensive financial and technical assistance to Afghanistan’s infrastructure. Hundreds of kilometers of roads were built and/or rehabilitated, irrigation and water supply systems were reconstructed, three hospitals and 10 schools were built and a number of higher education institutions received research laboratories, textbooks, computers and other equipment. In an encouraging sign of technical cooperation, the Afghan and Pakistani Ministers of Health launched a cross-border polio vaccination campaign, supported by the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF).

Advancing regional cooperation remains a strategic priority for Afghanistan. Institutional frameworks, launched at the Regional Economic Cooperation Conferences in Kabul and New Delhi (and within the Joint Coordination and Monitoring Board), require commitment and support within the region and the international community.
This is another area where strategies remain strategies and doesn’t embody in form of action. In a gesture of boosting coordination, Karzai turned down 500 scholarships from Pakistan “I am throwing out this gift out of the window” said Karzai. “twelve thousand Afghans are currently studying in higher education institutions of Pakistan” said Bashir Sadaat, second secretary of Afghanistan in Pakistan “Afghan students graduating from Pakistani universities has the highest return rate to Afghanistan than from any other country in the world” he said. “Afghan graduates of Pakistan universities has most of the senior jobs in Afghanistan” said Fareed Haidari, Afghan cultural attaché in Pakistan. Afghanistan image would certainly change positively if there are educated Afghans interacting with Pakistani counterparts on daily basis. “Karzai decision to turn down Pakistani scholarships was political” said Fareed Haidari, Afghan cultural attaché.

The Government of Pakistan reconfirmed its decision to close four refugee camps in the North-West Frontier Province and in Balochistan. The operation is scheduled to be completed by 31 August 2007. The residents will be offered the option of returning to Afghanistan or relocating to other camps in Pakistan.

There are over 2.5 million Afghans still in Pakistan. The worsening economical and security situation prevailing in Afghanistan doesn’t allow them to return. Iran has already started force expulsion of Afghans, creating a humanitarian crisis, over which two ministers were evicted by the parliament. There is no foreseeable hope for the future of Pak-Afghan relation, which might affect Afghan refugee situation. Afghan government should closely monitor the situation for any sign of force expulsion of Afghans from Pakistan. Pakistan prime minister, Shaukat Aziz renewed his government vow for the repatriation of Afghan refugee at G8 summit. Regular meetings of Afghan diplomats and Afghan refugee attaché s shall be held with refugees in all major cities. Ministry of refugees and repatriation should monitor Pakistani media to have a better knowledge of Pakistan attitude toward refugees. Afghan ministry of foreign affairs and afghan mission in Pakistan should regularly discuss the faith of refugees with Pakistan. Afghan ministry of foreign affairs and ministry of refugees and repatriation shall release the report of Pakistan mission to media.

Media and free expression:

Afghan and Pakistani media is not doing a brilliant job, fulfilling their mission, which is alerting the government of social injustices resulting in worsening security and public discontent. Afghan and Pakistan government reliance on western money has distanced them from their people. both Afghan and pakistan government have bad human rights record and it’s got worst after 9/11. Strategic importance has got priority to human rights for America and the west. Afghanistan and Pakistan receives huge sums of money in white checks for their geopolitical importance in Bush terror campaign.

Visiting journalist delegation from both countries greatly enhances understanding or least reduces hostility, “my view has changed 180 degrees, I had a different image of Pakistan, but now when I think about pakistan I don’t think about government I think about all the people I have met” said Ghaws Zalmai, head of Afghan journalist union on his return at Kabul airport. The visit was a chance for Afghans to network with Pakistani society and people.
Afghan government should take similar steps and invite Pakistani journalists. A week trip wouldn’t cost much but it will have tremendous affect on visiting journalist and s/he will make a life time impression and connection to Afghanistan.

Majority of people in Pakistan and Afghanistan only know politically about each other, they know the situation prevailing on the face of it. but they don’t know the situation in itself, for Pakistan, Afghanistan ends up to Peshawar, behind Peshawar there is a hindrance, there is a cultural block, there is a social block, so that should have been broken, once that is broken there is a great potential. Peshawar is a lot like Afghanistan – traditionally and culturally, but in Punjab, Sind and Baluchistan there is a lot of things laying unattended. Even if we organize a food festival, people would come to a food festival; people would come to see what is the food like. Chinese are all over the world, only selling their food and now you see Chinese product too, they started with cultural penetration and everything else followed.

Pakistan government has realized that Afghan media is now playing a major role, politicians and MPs who were once Pakistan cronies now want to blame Pakistan, it’s popular and sexy to hit on Pakistan. Pakistan want to win some sympathy among media.

“Afghanistan and Pakistan relation can be explained in details through dialogue, inviting political parties and private sector as well as neighboring countries. You can tell us what you think about Pakistan, what is the misunderstanding. A lot of exchanges could be done in political, religious and social area” said Tariq Badaruddin, director of Al-jareeda newspaper.

Media definitely has a role to play, but would only be successful if its freedom is ensured.
Media in Afghanistan is one of the few achievements of the five years since the fall of the Taliban regime. But it remains fragile as journalists feel the effects of deteriorating security, threats from warlords, conservative religious leaders and an increasingly hard-pressed government. “Media freedom ends the minute you touch a warlord or a government official,” said Mohammad Hassan Wolesmal, editor of Afghan Milli Jarida, whose home was attacked in March after the paper carried an article critical of President Hamid Karzai.
The growing presence in the media of Taliban rebels has led the secret services to try to impose a degree of censorship. The secret services ordered journalists to stop using the expression “warlord” and to support the efforts of the Afghan army. Despite the outcry, Hamid Karzai confirmed that he had been consulted by the authors of the list, because, he said, certain imperatives had to be taken into account in the interests of national security.
In Pakistan, there has been a major escalation in the incidents of attacks on media, including government attempts to muzzle the media during the period May 3, 2006 to May 3, 2007 At least five journalists were killed, 17 were arrested or detained, 61 injured in physical attacks or tortured and 27 harassed or intimidated while 11 cases of attacks on media property and 16 cases of official restrictions imposed on media to censor coverage or gag orders were reported.
There has also been a discernable rise in the numbers of attempts by the government to stop and interrupt TV transmissions and even official written directives to TV channels to stop airing certain current affairs programs and influencing content of others.
Armed Pakistani tribesmen had been imposing their own hardline version of Islam in the lawless border region near Afghanistan, their influence is spreading, and the state seems powerless to stop it. “We believe that you are justified in carrying out suicide bombings against the enemies of Islam” said Pakistan Taleban commander Qari Sarfraz in an interview with BBC. “Suicide attacks are the only way to confront Jewish and Christian domination in Afghanistan and Iraq” said Mawlana Fazalullah in an interview with Khyber television on May 25. Mawlana Fazalullah is a controversial figure in Swat who opposes girls’ education and vaccination. Fazalullah has set up an FM radio station without acquiring the license; through his radio he prevented Polio vaccine to reach 25000 children. “if Allah has destined them to live, there is no need for vaccination” is the message through FM station. Pakistan government went to talk with him in an attempt to persuade him to stay quiet on the issue of vaccination “The question is whether the government could tolerate a moderate FM station, broadcasting without license” said a Pakistani media activist. Extremists and their message of hatred would only prevail if moderate voices are not persuaded.

In spite the policy set backs for media growth, there is the expansion of media too. The unconventional reason for this media expansion in countries like Pakistan and Afghanistan where democracy doesn’t have a very good record, in these countries people are afraid of police, police controls everything, but the police is afraid of one thing – that is the media. Sometimes, people come to have a dummy newspaper to play a negative role in the society, so they try to blackmail part of the society one way or the other, to have this role they bay out on the media. that is why there are more 200 newspapers coming out of Lahore alone, under different shapes some are dummy newspapers, some only have the Cards and they use the cards with difference to places, so this is also effective. Then there is the advertisement, even the dummy gets some share of the advertisement.
Some have newspaper to safeguard their own interests, they have a newspapers so they can do a lot of things which could be protected behind the newspaper. That is why you can see out of hundreds of newspapers five or six have prominent role in current affairs.
Pak and Afghan media do go outside their journalistic ethics, slandering and insulting people and cultures. This only defines the media and doesn’t say much about a nation or culture. Pakistani media doesn’t hesitate to insult Afghans, on May 27th edition of The Nation an article was published under the title “Afghan or Collared Pika” it writes “Pika live in loose colonies and are often erratic in occurrence even in favorable habitat. By nature they are inquisitive. They often remain motionless on a prominent rock as an intruder approaches but are very agile in scampering over huge rocks when retreating … unlike the Hares and Rabbits these comparatively small animals lack any tail and have medium sized rounded ears…”
The Nation was founded 67 years ago on Islamic principals, supporting the ideology of Muslim nation and political Islam, and a wider vision for Islamic world.

Pakistan public not happy with the presence of foreign forces in Afghanistan


Soahila is among many Afghan working in MarriottSoahila claims to be from Kabul but she has never been to Afghanistan “my parents go to Afghanistan regularly” she said. Soahila works in Marriott, a super fancy hotel, out of any Afghan and Pakistani realities where accommodation could cost up to US$1800, which equals four years of average Afghan income.
Soahila is wearing a smart strip suit with no headscarf, she is happily serving guests in Nadia Buffet “Afghanistan remains dangerous, I have heard, at broad day light, people get stabbed or shot on the street. There are stories of horror and occupation” said Soahila “I don’t want to go to Afghanistan, I won’t be able to work” she added. She seemed disturbed when we were talking about future “I don’t know what to say about Afghanistan, Afghans in Islamabad are either waiting to go abroad (western countries) or don’t have home to return”

Kashmir or Afghanistan: the Nation resident editor, Mr. Hamadani, is holding a page dedicated to disputed territories“What do you think of presence of occupation force in Afghanistan?” or “what do Afghans think of Pakistan?” are two of the common questions posed by Pakistani journalists, to a visiting Afghan journalist delegation. Pakistan has been home to millions of Afghan refugees for over two decades, yet the politics of Afghanistan remain clandestine for many Pakistanis. Most of Karzai’s administration senior officials were under Pakistan supervision for at least two decades, some of them were even working for Pakistan secret service, yet the agenda of them remain unknown and unreliable. Afghan policies are misperceived and misunderstood, Afghan politicians haven’t been able to make their point to their closest neighbor “the people of Afghanistan are totally against occupation forces” writes the Nation in it’s May 26th edition after a meeting with the Afghan journalist delegation, the paper continues “the delegation observed that press in Afghanistan is not as free as it is in Pakistan” Nawa-i- Waqt and the Nation are two conservative papers in Pakistan with very large circulation. “we have hundreds of reporters” said Muhammad Nawaz Raza, chief reporter. The Nation is published in English with a Page on Kashmir/Afghanistan. Although the nation puts Afghanistan on one sheet with Kashmir, a territory Pakistan claims over, but they don’t have a reporter in Afghanistan “we pulled our reporter out of Afghanistan, for security reasons and often maltreatment” said Jawid Sediq, resident editor for Nawa-i-Waqt.

“Your President, Mr. Karzai, has only one thing to say: Pakistan is behind the terrorists, but its the allied forces who hasn’t been able to restore peace in Afghanistan” said Hamadani, resident editor of the English paper, the nation “I love Afghans, they have lived here, some of our men has married Afghan women” emphasizing on commonalities he continued “we have the common language” he said in English “so there is people to people contact” police and crisis-hit government are unable to respond wisely to social, political and international changes. Their sole concern is how to maintain power, mounting social objections as a result, creates a vibrant force craving for change. Failed states tend to change this to a power used against the neighbors and the region. Unfortunately, this is not easily realized by the population. “here in pakistan we would like to know what is really life like in Afghanistan” said a senior journalist for Naw-i-Waqt “Afghanistan continue to be under occupation, how is it to live there?” he asked “I don’t expect such questions from a Pakistani journalist” said Mr. Qayum, an afghan media manager “Afghanistan is not occupied and we are totally against occupation” Qayum continued “how could Afghans trust Karzai while he doesn’t trust them, he has American body guards” the Pakistani journalist argued.

Justice and Accountability: Traditional, informal judicial structures continue to fill the gap in justice for many Afghans, while the formal justice sector remains inaccessible and corrupt, and is unable to confront impunity, adjudicate land disputes, unravel criminal networks, or protect the rights of citizens.
Economic Conditions: High economic growth and a more open business environment have improved the general health of the Afghan economy, yet these benefits have not translated into sufficient employment and income generating activities for the ordinary citizen.
Social Services and Infrastructure: Although reconstruction investments by the international community have enhanced social services and infrastructure, deteriorating security conditions, a scarcity of competent personnel and low quality has limited access and its benefits for many Afghans.
The Afghan government and its international allies face a far more difficult and complex situation today than they did when the Taliban fell in 2001. Reforms are required in the military and civilian sectors, especially as the violence is expected to increase as spring approaches.
Countering these negative trends requires a more focused effort. A policy of “staying the course”—even if bolstered by new resources—will not reverse the trends. A fresh surge of supplemental funding is expected this year. It must be directed in a way that finds and engages the maximum number of Afghan citizens.
1. Restore public confidence in the plan for safety. Focus on Kandahar and Helmand provinces; treat the threat as an insurgency; concentrate on ways to counter the Taliban’s tribal and charismatic appeal and tactics of intimidation; and restore confidence in the U.S. and international commitment.
Move from “big army” sweeps to a rapid-response mode that would provide a “15-minute” rapid response protective umbrella in the endangered south and east of thecountry. Establish a consistent Afghan-led security presence in half of the 26 districts in Kandahar and Helmand provinces, with more flexible fighting forces and more helicopters.
Address Pakistan-Afghanistan challenges by focusing on the needs of disenfranchised Pashtun communities on both sides of the border. Invest in intelligence to clarify developments in the border region.
Shift the anti-drug effort from eradication to a combination of purchase, alternative crops, and interdiction, with a particular emphasis on the high-growth provinces ofKandahar and Helmand.
2. Mobilize communities to contribute to the recovery. Move away from over-reliance on Kabul and centralized systems; diminish the role of middle men and corruption; andenhance local participation.
Improve the use of international funds by shifting to a venture-capital model, delivering direct payments to the struggling Afghan middle class, and investing innon-traditional partners.
Leverage existing structures by expanding the National Solidarity Program (NSP) and working with the informal justice sector. Shift 50 percent of the developmentbudget to the provincial level, and distribute direct assistance through the Hawala system.
Expand communications through a single message of effort and partnership, and use “no-tech” to “high-tech” methods such as text messaging or holding meetings inlocal town halls to link up with key gatekeepers of information (e.g., mullahs, truck drivers, local elders).
Restoring progress in Afghanistan requires dramatic changes. If a critical mass of Afghans experiences positive change, the negative trends are reversible. 2007 is the breaking point.

وزیر فرهنگ درک متضاد از رسانه ها دارد

وزیر اطلاعات و فرهنگ، عبدالکریم خرم، طی نامه یی که به موسسه ی "انترنیوز" فرستاده است، از این موسسه خواسته است تا "هر چه زودتر زاهد شاه انگار، مسؤول رادیو سولی پیغام را از این پست سبکدوش نموده همچنان محتوای نشرات را اصلاح ساخته و به عوض آن شخص واجد شرایط را توظیف نموده و از نتیجه در ظرف یک هفته بمقام وزارت اطلاعات و فرهنگ اطمینان دهد". جزئیات یشتر را در این مورد، در نامه ی وزیر - که ضمیمتأ نشر نموده ام - دریافت نمائید.

در اینجا میخواهم نامه وزیر اطلاعات و فرهنگ را مورد تحلیل قرار داده و تفسیری از عبارات نامه و ایجابات آن را ارائه کنم. مسایلی که میخواهم به آن بپردازم به گونه زیر است:
· درک وزیر از چگونه گی فعالیت موسسات بین المللی، که حامی رسانه ها اند.
· نوع مالکیت، نحوه ی ساختار و نظارت بر رسانه های آزاد.
· قضاوت در خلاء معلومات، پیرامون رادیو سولی پیغام و شیوه های علمی دریافت اطلاعات در باره ی رسانه ها.
· میزان دانش وزارت اطلاعات و فرهنگ از شیوه های حل اختلافات محلی در کشور.
· نتیجه گیری.

درک وزیر از چگونه گی فعالیت موسسات بین المللی، که حامی رسانه ها اند:

از لابلای نامه ی وزیر چنین برداشت میشود که "انترنیوز" بر رادیوی "سولی پیغام" نظارت کامل داشته و وزارت میتواند که به یک موسسه بین المللی حامی آزادی رسانه ها، فرمان های "بکو و نکو"را صادر نماید که این خود، نشان دهنده ی فهم وزیر از چگونه گی ارتباط میان بازیگران رسانه یی میباشد. زمانی که وزیر میگوید: "و از نتیجه در ظرف یک هفته بمقام وزارت اطلاعات و فرهنگ اطمینان دهید" به این معنا است که وزارت و شخص وزیر، میتواند کار انترنیوز را رهبری کند؛ در حالی که انترنیوز از جانب کشور های کمک کننده یی تمویل میشود، که در صدد ایجاد یک بخش (سکتور) رسانه یی آزاد میباشند که توانایی و ظرفیت فعالیت را بدون مداخله ی دولت داشته باشند. کشور های تمویل کننده نمیخواهند، "کریم خرم" و یا کدام مقام دیگر دولتی، چگونگی مصرف پول شان را نظارت کند.
یک سخنگوی سفارت امریکا درکابل، در مورد برخورد وزارت اطلاعات و فرهنگ با رادیو سولی پیغام گفت: " ساختار ها و بافت های قانونی ایجاد شده است، یا از طریق محاکم و یا هم از طریق قوانین مربوط دیگر، وزارت باید، از این دو جهت به پیش برود. نباید که اهداف از طریق تهدید و یا فشار روی رسانه های مستقل به دست بیاید. هر معضله یی که ایجاد میشود، باید با آن برخورد نهادینه صورت گیرد، نه بر اساس ترجیحات شخصی و سیاسی. ایالات متحده، از فعالیت نهاد ها حمایت میکند."

نوع مالکیت، نحوه ی ساختار و نظارت بر رسانه های آزاد:

نخست اینکه شخص وزیر، تا حال مفهوم رسانه های آزاد را درک ننموده است. "رادیو سولی پیغام از جمله ی 31 دستگاه رادیویی آزاد محلی میباشد، که دفتر انترنیوز آنرا ایجاد و به مردم محل سپرده است. آقای "زاهد شاه انگار" مسـؤول رادیو ی مذکور توسط هیئت رهنمایی رادیو معرفی و به این وظیفه گماشته شده است". این موضوع را "جن مک آرتر"، رئیس موسسه ی انترنیوز گفت.
نهاد ها و موسسات در همه جای دنیا، در تشکیل و مالکیت رسانه سهیم هستند؛ اما رسانه های آزاد از ایجاد کننده گان و تمویل کننده گان خود مستقلانه عمل مینمایند. زمانی که صفحات اساسنامه ی رادیو سولی پیغام را مرور میکردم، نظرم به ماده ی اول بند نخست آن خورد، که در آن آمده است: " رادیو سولی پیغام به مقصد فراهم آوری معلومات و سرگرمی برای مردم در ساحه ی تعیین شده سرمایه گذاری کرده است، مالکیت و پالیسی های ویرایشگری این دستگاه رادیویی، مستقل از دولت خواهد بود و هیچ یک از قبیله ها، ملیت ها، احزاب سیاسی، گروه های مذهبی و یا نهادهای جغرافیایی، این دستگاه را نظارت و بررسی نخواهند نمود."
دولت افغانستان، رادیو سولی پیغام را با ماده ی فوق ثبت و جواز فعالیت داده است. دولت، اصل استقلال مالکیت رادیو را پذیرفته است. اگر وزیر و یا شخص دیگر دولتی این اصل را تهدید میکند، خلاف قانون عمل کرده است. انگار گفت: "یو خو دقانون مسئله ده، یو رادیو کول شی چی تول ورز(ورح)، قران عظیم شان نشر کری، بله رادیو تول ورز موسیقی نشری، خو دقانون خلاف عمل نکوی. موز د قانون خلاف کار نکوو، هاخوا، چی هر شی، نشروو زموز کار دی". انگار ادامه داد " موز خوست کی مطرح یو، هلته دولتی رادیو ده، بله رادیو ده، تلویزیون ده، د خوست دولتی رادیو ته امریکاییان دیر امکانات ورکری دی، خو موز اوریدونکی لرو. نری وال تولنه او افغانی نهادونه موز پیژنی، امریکی سفیر چی رازی، زموز رادیو گوری"
رئیس موسسه ی انترنیوزخانم "جن مک آرتر" گفت: " انترنیوز در موقفی نیست تا مسؤول رادیو را برطرف نماید. ما به این عقیده هم هستیم که دلیل قانع کننده جهت برطرفی وی موجود نیست. به اساس برداشتی که ما از قانون رسانه ها داریم، دلیل موجه یی را نمیبینم که مداخله دولت را هم در مدیریت رادیو، قانونی جلوه دهد".با توجه به این مسئله قانون رسانه ها، شامل فهرستی از تخلفات رسانه یی میباشد. کریم خرم یکی از آن موارد را در نامه اش ذکر ننموده است و هر یک از تخلفات، پس از غور کمیسیون رسیده گی به تخلفات رسانه یی، مجازات معینی دارد که به هر حال، سلب ملکیت رادیو، شامل هیچ یکی از مجازات نمیباشد. به ادعای وزیر اطلاعات وفرهنگ، معترضین، کارکنان رادیو سولی پیغام میباشند؛ اما انگار، مسوؤل رادیو میگوید که این ادعا بی اساس است: "موز په رادیو کی لس تنه کارکونکی لرو، هغی نه سربیره موز شپالس تنه رضاکاران هم لرو، دغه کسان (چی عرضی کری دی) موز سره په رضاکارانه دول همکار وو، دوی زموز کارکونکی ندی، دوی سره زه کم قرارداد نه لرم یا کم بل سند نشته"

قضاوت در خلاء معلومات، پیرامون رادیو سولی پیغام و شیوه های علمی دریافت اطلاعات در باره ی رسانه ها:

کریم خرم منحیث وزیر اطلاعات و فرهنگ در رأس معتبر ترین اداره ی فرهنگی و اطلاعاتی کشور قرار دارد. پیمایش های اطلاعاتی، با در نظر داشت تنوع روش شناسی، یکی از شیوه های علمی میباشد که میتوان در مورد رسانه ها، خبرنگاران و مخاطبان اطلاعات، جمع آوری نمود. وزارت اطلاعات و فرهنگ نه تنها که تا امروز کدام پژوهش و یا پیمایش علمی، پیرامون سلیقه ی مخاطبان و یا موقف رسانه ها انجام نداده است وبرعلاوه، از اطلاعاتی که دیگر نهاد های علمی و بین المللی تولید نموده است، نیز استفاده نمی نماید. در بخشی از نامه ی خود، وزیر میگوید: "همچنان محتوای نشرات را اصلاح سازید". متاسفانه این عبارت از لحاظ قانونی کم رنگ میباشد. ابهامات موجوده در این عبارت، حاکی از مقاصد پنهانی میباشد. محتوای نشرات اکنون چگونه است؟ چند ساعت و شامل چی موضوعاتی است؟ چی نواقصی دارد؟ کدام یک از آن نواقص غیر قانونی میباشد؟ چی توقع دارید؟ چه گونه باید اصلاح شود؟ چی باید نشر شود؟ این همه پرسش هایی است که وزیر باید به آن اشاره میکرد. پرسش دیگر این است که سبکدوش نمودن زاهد شاه انگار، با اصلاح محتوای نشرات ، چی ربطی دارد؟ سبکدوش نمودن وی به خاطر نشرات کم کیفیت، غیر قانونی میباشد. قانون رسانه ها در این مورد وضاحت دارد. جن مک آرتر رئیس انترنیوزدر این باره می گوید: "از نشراتی که منجر به نقض قانون مطبوعات شده باشد، و یا اینکه نحوه ی عملکرد و یا نشراتی که منجر به تخطی و نقض دیگر قوانین افغانستان شده باشد، هیچ شواهدی در دست نداشته و اطلاعی نداریم".
موسسات "التای، ائینه و انترنیوز" پیمایش هایی را در مورد رادیو سولی پیغام عملی نموده اند که نتایج آن، تشویق کننده میباشد. به گفته ی انگار"در پیمایشی که موسسه ی التای در سال 2004 در خوست نموده بود، دریافت شد که 98% از اهالی خوست، به رادیو سولی پیغام گوش میدهند” در این گزارش آمده است: "هر دو قشر جامعه - اعم از مرد و زن - گزارش دادند که در فهم برنامه هایی رادیو سولی پیغام، کدام مشکلی ندارند".

اساسنامه ی رادیو سولی پیغام، داشتن هیئت مدیره را یک رکن اساسی میشمارد. در اساسنامه آمده است: "هیئت مدیره، برای مدت یکسال کارخواهند نمود، بعدآ اعضا، شاید انتخاب و یا دوباره برای مدت چهارسال مقرر گردند." تنها هیئت مدیره میتواند، مسؤول رادیو را منفک و یا شخص دیگری را جاگزین نماید. اگر هیئت مدیره ی کنونی، نظر به علایقی که به شخص مسؤول رادیو دارند، نمیخواهند و یا نمیتوانند او را سبکدوش نمایند، در آن صورت، مردم محل، با همکاری کارمندان و مسؤول رادیو، هیئت مدیره فعلی را برکنار نموده و هیئت جدید را انتخاب مینمایند. دولت نمیتواند هیئت را مجبور به اخذ تصامیم نماید و یا هیئت را برکنار نماید. دولت میتواند در صورت لزوم دید، یک نفر در هیئت مدیره مقررنماید؛ ولی این شخص، حیثیت مشاور را خواهد داشت و امتیاز رأی دهی را دارا نخواهد بود.

رادیو سولی پیغام، هزارها نامه، هر ماه دریافت مینماید. این نامه ها بازتابی از میزان صمیمت نسبت به رادیو و عادی بودن زنده گی شنونده گان میباشد. در این نامه ها، اشتیاق شدید نسبت به خانواده، دین و وطن ابراز گردیده است. صدق و صفا در قالب واژه ها، نقاشی ها و خطاطی ها و نامه های که به رادیو رسیده، ابراز گردیده است. این نامه ها، تنها یک مجموعه یی نوشتاری نیست؛ بلکه منعکس کننده ی یک فرهنگ ارتباطات است. همه ای این نامه ها، به رادیوسولی پیغام فرستاده شده است. پس کسانی هستند که به رادیو باور دارند و اگر تنها نامه را معیار قرار داده و در باره ی رادیو قضاوت نماییم، نامه های بیشتری به طرفداری از رادیو موجود است، به مقایسه ی تعداد محدودی از انتقاداتی که شخص وزیر، برخلاف رادیو دارد.

میزان دانش وزارت اطلاعات و فرهنگ از شیوه های حل اختلافات محلی در کشور:

چندی پیش اعتراضنامه ی مشابهی از ولایت خوست به بنیاد فرهنگ و جامعه مدنی مواصلت نمود. نامه از جانب نهاد های مدنی که اکنون از رادیو سولی پیغام شاکی اند، فرستاده شده است. در این نامه، از چگونه گی انتخاب اعضای هیئت مدیره شکایت صورت گرفته است. این هیئت، بنیاد فرهنگ و جامعه مدنی را در خوست رهبری میکنند. نامه ی مذکور را ضمیمه نموده ام. وجوه اشتراک میان عدم رضایت از رادیو و بنیاد فرهنگ و جامعه مدنی وجود دارد و آن مشکل مسئله ی معاشات و امتیازات پولی میباشد.
زاهد شاه انگار با اشاره به مشکل خودش با برخی از نهاد های مدنی گفت: "دافغانستان خلک خو در ته معلومه به یی، هغه کار چی دوی خپله نشی کولای، نورو ته هم دیده نه لری. که حوک یو شه کار وکی، آوازه گدیگی چی تول نری یی وخواره". از داکتر "محمد سعید نیازی" در مورد شکایت جامعه مدنی خوست، در مورد انتخابات هیئت مدیره ی بنیاد فرهنگ و جامعه ی مدنی پرسیدم، وی در پاسخ بیان نمود:"کسانی که انتخاب شده اند، میگویند چرا معاش نداریم، کسانی که انتخاب نشده اند، میگویند که هیأت مدیره دنیا را خورد. ما در افغانستان گرسنه را سیر کرده نمیتوانیم و چشم و دیده نداریم که سیر را ببینیم". نیازی افزود که هیئت مدیره برای مدت دو سال انتخاب شده بود و به زودی مدت کار شان پایان می یابد. با اشاره به کسانی که از انتخابات ناراضی بودند، نیازی گفت: " همان هیأت مدیره، برای دوسال انتخاب شده بود. اگر کسی دیگر آرزو دارد، پیش بیاید. خدا ایشان را قوت بدهد که یک هیات جدید انتخاب کنند."
باید یاد اوری نمود که رئیس هئیت مدیره در وضعیت کنونی، خانم "ساحره شریف" است، که با توجه به این مسؤولیت، بعدهاعضو شورای ملی نیز انتخاب گردید و این خلاف ادعای آنانی میباشد که برعدم توانایی او برای جذب رای تاکید مینمایند.

نتیجه گیری :

وزیر اطلاعات و فرهنگ در نامه ی خود از سبکدوشی زاهد شاه انگار مسؤول رادیو صلح، حرف میزند. دو امکان وجود دارد: نخست اینکه، وزیر اطلاعات و فرهنگ در مورد رادیویی صحبت میکند که "صلح" نام دارد و از جانب نیروی های ائتلاف بین المللی نشر و پخش میگردد و یا اینکه نمیداند که اسم رادیویی که انگار مسؤول آن است صلح نبوده؛ بلکه رادیو "سولی پیغام" است.

در نامه ی شماره 108 مورخ 3/2/1386 وزرات اطلاعات و فرهنگ به مقام ولایت کابل نگاشته شده است: " ... تغییرات و تبادلات اداری از صلاحیت های صاحب امتیاز میباشد. مگر اینکه یقینأ و استنادأ اسناد را(شکایت کننده گان) داشته باشند که فعالیت نشراتی شان (رادیو) برخلاف قانون رسانه های همگانی باشد، در چنین مورد، کمیسیون بررسی شکایات و رسیده گی به تخلفات رسانه ئی در همواری راه شان ممد واقع شده میتواند". این نامه برای آگاهی بیشتر شما – ضمیمتأ - نشر شده است.
در اینجا، ما با دو قضیه ی مشابه مواجه هستیم که عبارت است از: شکایت بعضی از نهاد های محلی از رادیو های محلی شان؛ اما برخورد وزارت دوگانه میباشد: یعنی در نامه ی 1088 یکبار حکم مستقیم برطرفی را میدهد و در نامه 108 امر بر اطاعت ازقانون را مینماید.

The minister of information has a contradictory understanding of media

The Minister for Iof information and Cculture, Abdul Karim Khuram, in a letter to Internews demanded, that one of the station managers of one of the stations Internews established, through USAID funding, be removed from his position as soon as possible and that “Zahid shah Angahr, director of Sulai Paygham radio station should be removed from his position the soonest possible, the content and programming of the radio station should also be reformed. , and a sensible person should be appointed – instead. The ministry requested to be shall be assured of the changes with in a week.

The Minsters letter was prompted by a handful of letters from members of the community not happy with the station manager. However SW investigations into this issue found many more supporters of the station than dissenters and it appears these letters of complaint may have been made in the context of a highly competitive media market in Khost.

Here, I will try to analyze the issues that arise from the minister’s letter and offer you potential explanations of clauses and implication of concepts. The issues I’ll focus are as following:

Prejudgment in information vacuum about a radio station in one of the Provinces Sulai Paygham and scientific approaches to data gathering on media
Minister’s understanding of how international organizations, supporting free media, works.
Ownership, management structure and monitoring of free media
Knowledge of MoIC on methods of local conflict and conflict resolution
Conclusion

Prejudgment in information vacuum about radio Sulai Paygham and scientific approaches to data gathering on media:

Karim Khuram as minister of information and culture is the head of the highest cultural and media organization in the country. Media survey, with diversity in methodology, is a scientific approach for gathering information on media, journalists and audience. Ministry of information and culture hasn’t only produced any research on audience habits and preferences, but it also hasn’t used the data produced by scientific and international bodies. In part of his letter the minister says “also revise the content of the radio station” unfortunately, this clause is legally very weedy. Ambiguity in this suggests shows some hidden agendas.
How is the radio content now? How many hours and what kind of programs? What are the shortcomings? Which one of the shortcomings is illegal? What do you expect? How do you want to revise? What do you want to hear? These are all, the question the minister should have offered some sort of answer to. The other question is what the station managers Zahid Shah Angahr’s removal has got to do with content improvement; sacking a station manager for poor content is not within the media law of Afghanistan. illegal. Jan McArthur internews country director stated “We are not aware and don’t have any evidence that the station is broadcasting any material that contravenes the media law of Afghanistan or that it is operating in a way that breaches any law of Afghanistan”
Altai, Aina and internews have done some surveys about radio station concerned and found that Sulai Paygham with encouraging outcomes. According Angahr “Altai’s survey in 2004 found out that 98% of the community in this town people surveyed listens to this radio station. The sulai paygham” the reportaudience research shows that continues “both men and women reported that they didn’t have any difficulty understanding this radio stations content.” sulai paygham”

The station also has a board of directors broadly representative of the community, and the station operates according to relevant bylaws Radio Sulai Payman considers board of directors as one of the musts, the bylaw saysin which the “board of directors will work for one year, they can be reappointed for a period of up to four years” only the board of directors can replace the radio manager and appoint a new manager. If the working board of directors for personal or political reasons chose not to doesn’t want to replace the a malfunction manager, but the community is unhappy with the manager, then the community in association with radio staff and manager can appoint a new board of directors. The government can’t compel the board to certain decisions or remove board members. However, the government could, if needed, introduce a representative member to the board, but this person would only remain as an advisor and won’t have voting right.

SW has investigated the operations of the particular station in question and found great community support for the station, eveident on one level through the Radio Sulai Paygham receives thousand of letters of support and requests the station receives every month. T; the letters reflect are the projection of reality, from the a dedicated audience who are enjoying normal life. The sSincerity of the audience is represented in words, drawing and calligraphy. Then we can say that there are some people who trust the radio. If only letters are regarded for judging the radio station, as the minister did, there are more letters in favor of the radio station than the limited number complaining about it.

Legitmacy of hMinister’s understanding of how international organizations, supporting free media, works:

The request from the Ministry subject of the letter implies that internews has full control over the radio station concerned radio Sulai Paygham aand that MoIC can give orders to an international media support organization. This shows a lack of understanding on the minister’s behalf of knowledge on how media players are connected and related. The Minister giving a deadline to Internews to remove the station manager When the minister says “The ministry shall be assured in a week of the changes” means theimplies the minister and/or the ministry can direct Internews work; Internews is funded by USAID to deliver an independent media development program approved by the government of Afghanistan. Internews has been given the task of enabling the development of a this is when Internews is funded by international donor community, which is aiming to establish a free and independent media sector, to compliment a government media sector. This program has been approved by the government of Afghanistan. The afghan run and owned media outlets Internews is supporting need to run with thewith local power and capacity to function without state intervention. Individual Ministries cannot direct INGO’s in there already approved development activities in-country. International community doesn’t want A. K. Khuram or any other government official to scrutinize aid to free media.

A spokesperson for the US embassy in Kabul, referring to the way MoIC handled this radio situation radio Sulai Paygham said “there are institutional frameworks in place, through the courts and through the laws that are in place, that those two parties should pursue the case; it shouldn’t be pursued through intimidation or through pressure on independent media and whenever a case should be made it should be made through the institution and it should be dealt with institutionally rather that politically or personally by the individuals involved … The US government supports institutions”

Ownership, management structure and monitoring of free media:

This incident raises the question of whether the The minister hasn’t understands realized what independentfree media is. The minister assumes the station manager is talks about Angahr as an Internews appointee “Internews has supported 32 free and independent local radio stations across the country with the purpose of being independent afghan owned and run local media. The appointment of station managers is made by Afghan boards of management, not Internews, when Internews becomes aware of corruption, or significant missmanagment or any contravention of the agreement we have with stations, Internews will consult with the stations board of management, staff and key community to leaders to identify and rectify problems.” , and Suli Paygham is one of these radio stations established in Khost province “ said Jan McArthur, Internews country director.

Businesses and organizations are part of structure and ownership of media all over the world; but free media function editorially independent of their funders and founders. Wwhen I was skimming through the pages of this radio stations radio Sulai Paygham bylaws, I noticed that in the first page, the first article first, it saysstates that the radio station “is “radio Sulai Paygham is invested in Khost for providing information and entertainment for Khost people, ownership and editorial policies of this radio station Sulai Paygham wouldare be independent of the government. None of the tribes, ethnic groups, political factions, religious and geographical groups willould have editorial control over content. over its editorial”

The Government of Afghanistan government registered this radio station based on it’s existing structure and bylaws and this legimates the bylaws created by the station. By approving the stations structure and bylaws and issuing a radio Sulai Paygham with this article and issued certificate forof broadcasting for the station, meaning the government has recognized the independence of the radio station. It could be argued that wWhen the Ministry of Iminister of information and Cculture or any other government official tries to intervene in station operations or change station content, without legally backed reasons, then this contravenes the laws that do exist in Afghanistan.is threatening the independence of the radio,

The station manager states that it comes contrary to the law. Angahr said “the role of law: one radio can play Quran throughout the day, another radio can play music all day long; as long as they aren’t violating the law. Our radio station Radio Sulai Paygham hhas done nothing contrary to the law, given that whatever we do and whatever we broadcast is up to us” the station manager continued Angahr continued “we are a player in Khost, and lthough there is a state radio, another radio, a TV station. Khost state radio is financially supported by Americans; but we have the audience. International and Afghan organizations deal with us, US ambassador came and did a live interview on our station”
Internews country director, Miss Jan McArthur said “Internews is not in a position to remove the station manager from the station and does not believe there is good reason to remove the station manager from the station. Based on our understanding of the media law we can find no legal reason that might legitimize the government intervening in the management of this station”

The Afghan Media law has a list of media violations. Karim Khuram mentions none of theose in his letter, each of the violations, after the revision by media complaint commission has certain fine. In any case, confiscating or taking the ownership of the radio station is not a fine. According to the minister letter, the protestors are employees of the radio station Sulai Paygham, but the station manager, Angahr, radio manager said there is no grounds for that claim “we have ten full time staff; in addition we have sixteen volunteers or part timers. The protestors might have been part time volunteers at some point. They are not radio employees. Can the minister show any proof, a contract of something?”

Knowledge of MoIC on methods of local conflict and conflict resolution:

Sometime ago a similar protest letter was sent to Foundation for Culture and Civil Society (FCCS). The letter was sent by almost the same civil society groups protesting against the same radio station. Radio Sulai Paygham now. In the letter the process of election for FCCS board in Khost was condemned. I am attaching that same letter. A number of staff at the radio station have raised their concern that the believe the motivation for complaint in the letter to the Minister from some community members is based on There is one share criteria for objection against both radio sulai paygham and FCCS, that is money and financial benefits.

The station manager Angahr referring to his problem with some civil society groups said “you know some peopleAfghans, when they can’t do anything, they don’t want other to do it either. If somebody does something which counts then they say, he got all the money for it”.

I asked Mohammad Saeed Niazi from FCCS about the board election in Khost, he said “those elected says why there is no salary. Those not selected says, the board has all the money. In Afghanistan we can’t feed the starving, but we also can’t tolerate the non-starvings” Niazi added that the board is selected for two years and it’s soon going to be over, with reference to those protesting against the election Niazi said “the two year old board is over, if any one else want to be on the board or want to appoint a new board please come forward, Allah may give you strength”

It’s worth mentioning the current head of the board is Mrs. Saira Shariff, who was later selected to the parliament. This is contrary to the protesters claim who said she can’t win votes.

Conclusion:

In the letter, the minister talks about the removing tof he station manager from a radio station in Khost. Mr. Zahid Shah Angahr as the manager of radio Sulla (peace).However the name he gives to the station could refer to 2 stations, one is Afghan run and owned and one is run by the collation forces. Consequnetly it is not entirely clear by the content of the letter which station he is referring to, we have presumed for the purpose of this article that it is the Afghan owned and run station. There are two possibilities. First, the minister talks about a different radio, called Sulla (peace); which is run by coalition forces. Or the minister doesn’t know the radio station managed by Zahid Shah Angahr is not Sulla (Peace) but radio Sulai Paygham.

In the letter 108 dated 02, 03, 1386 the ministry of information and culture writes to Kabul governor “... administrative changes are the responsibility of the license holder. Unless, the protestors have strong evidence that the radio station is not compliantaisant with media law. In which case, the complaints handling commission would be the authority to help” for your further readings I am copying the letter attached. We are facing two similar cases, i.e. protest of some civil society groups against local radio but the ministry has dual way of dealing with it. Meaning letter1088 orders the removal of the manager and letter 108 talks about compliance with the law, arguing why the ministry cannot interfere with managements of the station..

Letter 108 signed by the minister is coming from the Directorate of Document Registry and Relations while private radio and TV, related issues should be corresponded through general directorate of broadcast, department of media registration. It could be argued that the Minister has issued a letter n other words the minister has smuggled out a letter from the ministry which carriesto impose personal and political agendas, rather than following the objective guidance of the law..inclination.

مسوؤل نقص منافع ملی و قتل اجمل نقشبندی کی هست؟

رحمت الله حنفی، مسوؤل شفاخانه ایمرجنسی در هلمند، سری نخی پنداشته میشود که در بند دولت افغانستان قرار دارد. سعید انصاری سخنگوی ریاست امنیت ملی، حنفی را متهم به همکاری با طالبان، در ربودن اجمل نقشبندی، دانیل ماستروجیکومو و سیدآقا نمود. جینو سترادا، رئیس شفاخانه ایمرجنسی در ایتالیا، خواهان رهای حفنی گردیده و اتهامات وارده بروی را بی اساس میخواند. استرادا، میگوید، او به حنفی اطمینان کامل دارد و در بیگناهی وی شکی ندارد.

شکی نیست که قتل اجمل جزء مسله میباشد، که مسوؤل مستقیم آن طالبان میباشد. جنایت بزرگتر تختی منافع ملی افغانستان میباشد. دولت ایتالیا و شفاخانه ایمرجنسی شکی نیست، که مسوؤل هستند، ولی اقدامی صورت نگرفته، مانند توقیف رحمت الله حنفی، تا مسوؤلیت آنها تعیین گردد. گابریل لیسترو، یک عکاس ایتالیایی در ماه اکتوبر سال گذشته اسیر طالبان گردید. و دولت ایتالیا از طریق شفاخانه ایمرجنسی مبلغ اظافه تر از دو میلیون دالر به طالبان پرداخت. خبرنگاران رسانه های مختلف اهم از داخلی و خارجی در جنوب کشور و مناطق تحت سلطه طالبان گزارش دهی میکنند. اینکه چرا تنها خبرنگاران ایتالیایی اسیر میشوند و دوباره بعد از پرداخت خون بها آزاد میشوند، دلالت بر توطئه گری و معامله جویی میکند.

شفاخانه ایمرجنسی یک ارگان خیریه میباشد که خدمات صحی فراهم میاورد. ولی این شفاخانه، با شرکت مقامات بلند رتبه آن، اقلأ دو بار با دهشت افگنان معامله و مذاکره، و یا اقلأ تسهیل معامله، نموده اند. در هر دوی این معاملات ایمرجنسی به دهشت افگنان پول آورده اند و یا هم در رهایی مقامات آنان همکاری کرده اند.

بعد از رهایی دانیل سخنگوی رئیس جمهور کرزی، اقا رحیمی گفت، که معامله رهایی وی صرف روی عواطف انسانی صورت گرفته است. و احساسات رئیس جمهور بود که وی جهت رهایی دانیل با طالبان معامله نمود.
ولی طالبان بار ها خواهان همچو معامله ی در رهای اجمل گردیدن که تاثیری بر احساسات انسانی رئیس جمهور نداشت. این خود دلیل بر احساسات نی، بلکه برخورد سیاسی میکند. "بعد از مرگ اجمل مقامات دولتی گفتند، توافق برای رهایی اجمل نزدیک بود، اما اجمل بدون اتمام حجت اجمل را کشتند" معین مرستیال، وکیل در ولسی جرگه گفت. این در حالیست که کرزی، اسپنتا و دیگر مقامات بار ها گفته بودند که برای رهای اجمل مذاکر نخواهد شد. دولت گفته های ضد و نقیص زیادی داشته است و حالا مشکل است که بالا دولت اعتبار کرد. از گفته ها گذشته عمل باید اجرا شود.

رحمت الله حنفی که متهم به همکاری با طالبان هست، با دانیل ماستروجیکومو قبل از ورود وی به هلمند در تماس بود. و وی را به رفتن به هلمند تشویق کرد. حنفی به وی اطمینان داد که طالبان به شفاخانه وی رفت و آمد دارند و مشکلی برای وی ایجاد نخواهند کرد. با استفاده از روابط حنفی، دانیل میتواند گزارش تهیه کند. یک طرف قضیه که احتمالا ریاست امنیت هم بخاطر بقید نگهداشتن حنفی، به این باور است، اینکه حنفی به طالبان اطلاع میدهد که یک شهروند دیگری کشور که به شما اضافه تر از دو میلیون دالر داده بود میاید و طالبان برنامه ریزی کرده و خواست های خود را این بار تنها مختص به پول نی بلکه به رهایی مقامات خود از بند دولت، نیز میکند. طالبان در اینجا اماده گی کامل داشتند. بعد از دستگیری آنها برای جدی نشان دادن تهدید خود راننده را سر میزنند و آنرا فلم برداری نیز میکنند. و بعد تیلفون و شماره ها را دارند و از دانیل میخواهند که به آنها زنگ زده و خواهان رهای خود میگردد. رحمت الله میتواند که دو انگیزه برای همکاری با طالبان داشته باشد، اول اینکه او خود یک طالب میباشد و طالبان همکار ایدولژیک آنها میباشد. یا اینکه رحمت الله اینکار را در مقابل پول انجام میدهد. دلیل دوم نمیتواند استناد قوی داشته باشد، چرا که اگر انگیزه رحمت الله پول میبود وی زمانی که اضافه از دو میلیون دالر را سال گذشته در دست داشت میتوانست آنرا به طالبان نرسانده و نگهدارد.

استدلال دوم اینست که رحمت الله بیگناه است، و مقامات دولتی حنفی را ناحق به دام دارند. زمانی که اجمل و دانیل به هلمند میرسند از شفاخانه ایمرجنسی فعالیت میکنند. طالبان میدانند که دانیل شهروند کشوری است که قبلأ به آنها خون بها داده است، و نقشه ای را جهت گروگان گیری دانیل و اجمل طرح ریزی میکنند. در اینجا جرم حنفی مذاکر با دهشت افگنان میتواند باشد. اما جینو سترادا، مسوؤل عمومی شفاخانه ایمرجنسی مسوؤل تر است.

در هر دو شرایظ فوق دولت ایتالیا از همه مسوؤل تر است. دولت ایتالیا در تمام معاملاتی که با طالبان نموده است یا خواست های خود را بر دولت افغانستان تحمیل نموده است، و یا اینکه مستقلانه با شورشیان معامله نموده است، که در هر دو صورت فوق استقلال افغانستان را نادیده گرفته اند. هر نوع معامله با دهشت افگنان خلاف منافع ملی است، از همین جهت است که کشور های جهان با دهشت افگنان مذاکر نمیکنند. معامله نمودن دولت ایتالیا با دهشت افگنان افغان مخالف منافع ملی کشور است. لعل گل رئیس سازمان حقوق بشر افغانستان گفت "زما په نظر موژ دتولو ستونزو پله دحکومت په غاله وانچوو، حکه چی حکومت خپل واک نلری"

دولت افغانستان جهت تعیین موقف خویش در مقابل دهشت افگنان و هم تعین چگونگی روابط آن با کشور های خارجی که در افغانستان سرباز دارند و میتوانند اعمال فشار نمایند، باید کمیسیون مستقلی را تعیین نماید، تا موضوع اسارت دانیل و قتل اجمل را بررسی نماید، و هم تهعد صورت گیرد که نتایج و دریافت های کمیسیون و پیشنهادات آنرا عملی خواهد نمود. "دو درس ما یاد گرفته ایم، اول اینکه افغانها دولت ایجنت (دستنشانده) را نمیپزیرند، به همین دلیل کمونیست ها و مجاهدین دوام نکردند. و دوم اینکه ما نباید همچو مسایل را تنها در دست نهاد های امنیتی بگزاریم" معین مرستیال، نماینده در مجلس ملی گفت، "جبران سهو خارجی ها ممکن نیست" لعل گل مسوؤل سازمان حقوق بشر افغانستان گفت.
دولت و نهاد های مدنی افغان و سفرا افغان در کشور ها و نهاد های مختلف کوشش نمایند، تا قتل اجمل نقشبندی و معامله گری با طالبان را تقبیع نماید. خصوصأ از کشور های اسلامی خواسته شود که عمل طالبان را تقبیع نمایند.

مقامات دولتی دستخوش وسواس موتر اند

داشتن چند عراده موتر یکی از الگوهای نمایش قدرت مقامات افغان است. وزیر داخله، با شش عراده، وزیر معارف با هفت عراده، سبغت الله مجددی رئیس مشرانو جرگه با پنج عراده و محمد یونس قانونی رئیس مجلس ملی با ده عراده موتر، سفر مینماید. بشردوست وکیل مردم در مجلس ملی در باره حرکت مقامات میگوید "فکر میکنی که یک کاروان در حرکت باشد، فکر نیمکنی یک نفر باشد، فکر میکنی که 50 یا 60 نفر است که به یک عروسی ویا فاتحه و یا میله میرود اما یک نفر است. حالا یک عادت پیدا شده که پنج یا شش موتر همرنگ و همسان است که نفهمی همان شخص عالی در کدام موتر نشسته است ... این یک نشانه توهین به ملت است" ارزش مجموعی تعداد موتر های که هر یک از مقامات ذکر شده با آن سفر مینمایند به چند صد هزار دالر امریکایی میرسد. رمضان بشردوست میگوید" تفسیر قرآن است که اسراف کننده برادر شیطان است" میلیون ها هموطن ما نه تنها موتر ندارند حتی به حمل و نقل همگانی دسترسی ندارند و حتی به جاده های موتر رو دسترسی ندارند. اصف ننگ سخنگوی وزارت امور پارلمانی میگوید "چرا یک وزیر یک فوق العاده گی در شهر داشته باشد، این یک نماد دموکراتیک جامعه نیست" وی در مورد اختصاص تعداد موتر های مقامات می افزاید "مطابق نورم دولت به آنها دو موتر نهایتأ سه موتر در نظر گرفته شده است، بخاطر استفاده اش" یکی از مقامات که دچار وسواس موتر است، رئیس کمیسیون مستقل مبارزه با فساد اداری و ارتشا است، موصوف به خاطر بدست آوردن موتر دلخواه اش فرمان رئیس دولت، کرزی را که خود شخص بسیار موتر دوست است، شکستاند. اقا کرزی طی فرمان 5211 به عزت الله واصفی امر خرید یک عراده موتر لندکروز، پرادو مودل 2006 به مبلغ 32000 دالر را داده است اما واصفی نظر به علاقهً وافری که به موتر دارد اقدام به خریداری یک عراده لکسیس پطرولی هشت سلندره به مبلغ 42000 نموده است. این وسیله نقلیه مصارف گران نگهداری و تیل دارد و برای یک ارگان دولتی غیر اقتصادی میباشد. مقامات ریاست مبارزه با فساد اداری و ارتشا حاضر نشدند منبع پول اضافی خرید موتر را به ما پاسخ دهند. یک عراده موتر لندکروزر مودل 2002 قبلأ طبق حکم 1708 در اختیار ریاست مبارزه با فساد اداری و ارتشا قرار گرفته بود، اما لودین صاحب رئیس اسبق این اداره موتر را بعد از برطرفی با خود به غنیمت برد و اداره امور طی مکتوبی آن موتر را به عزیزالله لودین بخشش میکند. از آصف ننگ در باره پرسیدم "عزیر الله لودین منعث رئیس کمیسیون انتخابات هم مستحق یک موتر میشود، امکان دارد که اگر باید در کمیسیون انتخابات برای لودین موتر جدید بخرند باز بهتر این است که از موتر کهنه خود استفاده نماید" شخص محوری یکی از دلایل عمده بوده است که دولت افغانستان تا حال موفق به ایجاد یک نظام اداری کارارا نشده است و دقیقأ همچو اقداماتی باعث جلوگیری از آن میشود، با تبدیل شدن رئیس یا وزیر وسایل و کادر اداره تبدیل میشود در بعضی از مواقع حتی پالیسی و اسم اداره هم تغیر میخورد. کمیسیون انتخابات یک نهاد مستقلی است که توسط ملل متحد و دیگر نهاد های خارجی ایجاد و تقویه گردیده است، این اداره صدها عراده موتر تا حال خریداری نموده است و خصوصأ بعد از ختم انتخابات نیازی برای آوردن موتر دیگری دیده نمیشود.

یکی از معمول ترین شیوه توجیع نمودن عراده جات، عنوان نمودن مسایل امنیتی میباشد، باز هم آصف ننگ، سخن گوی وزارت امور پارلمانی "مقامات موتر های تعقیبی فراوان استفاده میکنند، البته بعضی شخصیت های که شما از آن نام گرفتید، مثلآ جناب قانونی صاحب، جناب حضرت صاحب، جناب فضل هادی شینواری و همچو افراد بعضی اش اینطور هستند که چندین بار تحت حمله دشمن قرار گرفته اند و بعد از آن برای اینکه امنیت ایشان محکمتر شود و تحت پوشش امنیتی قرار گیرند، اما به نعوه که دولت و بودیجه ما ایجاب میکند" افزایش در تعداد موتر های هم رنگ و تعقیبی شاید راه حل کوتاه مدت باشد، امـــــا باید در اینجا تحاملی کرد و دید که چرا مردم اینقدر از رهبران و مقامات خود متنفر اند که اگر فرصتی مساید گردد از خون ایشان دریغ نخواهند کرد. یگانه راه تامین امنیت، آوردن امنیت سراسری، به تمام اتباع کشور است و تامین از راه تحقق عدالت اجتماعی است، فعلا در کشور امنیت امتیازی تامین است که تنها مقامات، سروتمندان و خارجیان مستحق آن بوده و تماشا دارند چه گونه ملت به کام مرگ و دهشت فرو میرود. پروین سادات مسوؤل ارتباط عامه مشرانو جرگه میگوید "موتر یک وسیله است که ما را به وظیفه میرساند. ضرورت به پنج – چهار موتری نیست که دنبال ما برود، اگر ما بخواهیم که امنیت را تامین نماییم، ضرورت به چهار – پنج موتر نیست"
جهت تنظیم استفاده از عرادجات تیز رفتار دولتی نیاز به یک فرمان رئیس دولت میباشد تا در آن نوعیت، قیمت و یا ساخت عراده مشخص گردد در رژیم های قبلی مقامات تنها میتوانستد از یک مودل (ساخت) معین موتر استفاده نمایند. در سال های 1980 مقامات تنها میتوانستد موتر های والگا یا لادا خریداری نمایند در زمان شاهی موتر های روسی از عراده جات معمول در میان مقامات بود. در کشورهای دیگر رو به انکشاف و حتی انکشاف یافته نیز مقامات تنها میتوانند از عراده جات ساخت کارخانه های داخلی خریداری کنند.

وزرأ، معاونین، روسا و تعدادی از مدیران، مقاماتی اند که بست آنها در تشیکل، موتر دارد. یکی از هنگفت ترین مصارف دولت افغانستان خریداری موتر ها برای تشکیلات دولتی میباشد.
کشور های امداد کننده با در نظر داشت روند ارتباطی میان نهاد های دولت و داشتن نظام فرسودهً صادره و وارده جهت قایم نمودن ارتباطات، عراده جات زیادی را به نهاد های دولتی خصوصأ بخش امنیتی کمک نموده اند. با در نظر داشت وضعیت نامساعد جاده ها و شاه راه ها کشور های کمک کننده، اکثرأ موتر های، پیک اپ کمکدار را به افغانستان امداد نمودن اما از سوی دیگر ارزش این نوع موتر ها بسیار گران است. گرهار شویدر صدراعظم اسبق آلمان در زمان تسلیم دهی صد ها عراده موتر پیک اپ متسیبوشی به وزارت داخله گفت "یکی از رویا های من داشت یک متسیبوشی بعد از تقاعد است" اما افغانها نیز ندارند تا برای عملی شدن رویا های شان انتظار به تقاعد بکشند، انتظار باید تا زمانی کشید که یک مقام بدست بیاید. موتر های کمک شده جامعه بین المللی در پهلوی استفاده کاری آن جهت گشت و گزار شخصی موظفین نیز استفاده میگردد.

ادارت ولایات با قلت وسایل حمل و نقل هنوز هم مواجه هستند اما روئسای این ادارات مشکلی ندارد.
مادونان، با الهام از مقامات، از موتر های دولتی نه تنها استفاده شخصی نموده بلکه سوءاستفادهً نیز میکنند. آژیر موتر های پولیس و یا هم امبولانس ها صرفأ برای مواقع اضطراری بوده و استفاده از آن در خیابان ها بی نظمی را ایجاد میکند. بعضأ زمانی که موتر جهت حمل خانواده های پولیس استفاده میشود از آژیر آن جهت متفرق نمودن ترافیک استفاده میشود.
فروش تیل موتر های دولتی یکی از راه های درآمد موتر داران میباشد. یکی از تاثیر های منفی این اقدام تشویق راننده جهت محدود ساختن گشت و گذار میباشد، راننده گان کمتر مایل اند تا تمام پهره های وظیفوی خود را اجرا نمایند، ترجیع داده میشود تا در سایه توقف نموده و تیل خود را برای فروش حفظ نمایند. خداداد یکی از تیل فروشان مرادخانی را دیدم که از یک عراده موتر دولتی تیل بیرون می آورد "(موتر های دولتی تیل) میکشند، بسیار زیاد میکشند، دریور ها (راننده گان) تیل را میکشند، همان تیل را که دولت برایش میدهد، در مسیر شان، مثلأ از اینجا تا به پلچرخی، ده لیتر تا آنجا مصرف دارد، او را میدهد پانزده لیتر، معاش نیست، خریبی نیست، همان پنج لیتر را میکشد و میگوید این را بگیر و به من پیسه بده"

برای اثبات موقف و قدرت خود مقامات دولتی خصوصأ در ولایات در پهلوی موتر دولتی خویش از یک یا چند عراده موتر شیشه سیاه شخصی نیز استفاده مینمایند. این موتر های شخصی به شکلی در ساختار اداره مربوطه گنجانیده شده است و اکثرأ مصارف تیل و نگهداری آن از جانب دولت پرداخته میشود. زمانی که مسوؤلین چند موتر از منزل به دفتر و یا برعکس آن میروند این وضعیت مصادف است به زمانی که همه مردم در جاده ها هستند ولی مسوؤلین دارای چند موتره بدون در نظر داشت حضور دیگران یا در جناح مخالف جاده حرکت نموده و یا خیلی ها پرخاشگرانه با جریان ترافیک و عابرین برخورد می نمایند. سمونوال جان آغا امر حوزه یازده ترافیک به ما گفت "اکثرأ این موتر های (مقامات) که بدون دست میایند خظ سیر خود را منعرف میسازند، ترافیک مقابل را مسدود میسازند. خود به خود این به ما یک مشکل است" یکی از وکلا شورای ملی به روز نوروز که جاده همه مسدود بودند حوصله اش را از دست داده و به لت و کوب ترافیک پرداخته بود، سمونوال جان آغا " موظفین ترافیک ما در گردنه باغ بالا که مصروف اجرا وظایف خود بودند، خوب یک کسی که قوانین و مقررات ترافیک را مراحت نکرده و بلاخره به لت و کوب یکی- دو نفر از موظفین پرداخته بود"