An Afghan journalist delegation visited Pakistan in May. In the course of the trip the delegation visited different Pakistani cities and talked with various Pakistani journalists, officials and activists. The delegation reveals its finding of Pak-Afghan crisis-hit relationship.
Pakistan counter-militancy efforts:
Pakistan Military ruler, General P. Musharaff has assumed a new role as peace maker amongst Islamic countries in southern and central Asia. But analysts believe the gesture is a combination of being too confident and attempts to remain relevant to American policy making in the region.
Musharraf’s role as a Muslim strategist hasn’t been very successful so far. Musharraf suggestion to send a muslim force to Iraq, was utterly rejected by Iraqi foreign minister. Showing the inability of muslim countries to set aside differences, overcome home issues and bring reforms.
Pakistan has serious internal problems, facing extremism just like any other country in the region, topped up by a constitutional crisis.
Pakistan chief justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudary was dismissed by Musharaff, the decision has undermined the independence of Judiciary.
Analysts say that the bold style of justice I. H. Chaudhary and some of his hard decisions might have provoked the decision makers to sideline him instead of taking any risk amidst ongoing judicial activism. There were a number of political cases which were supposed to be brought in the Supreme court for adjudication. A group of military and police officials were also seeking revenge. For instance, general of police Ziaul Hasan was admonished by the chief justice when Punjab police were accused of not implementing 90% directives of the Supreme Court.
Then there is the issue of Pakistan Talibanisatin, Taliban style madrassa students storm capital, Islamabad, streets. This sent a message to the world that Talibanisation of Pakistan is a reality, this is a set back for the return of civilian government and democracy to pakistan, Musharraff has convinced the world when it comes to tackling Taliban properly, he is the person and the civilian government may find it impossible to handle such people. a Pakistani businessman, M Sarwar, said “ the Lal Masjid cleric is taking courage to take the steps he has been taking with a definite backing. The support to the cleric is from strong quarters. Otherwise, there is no reason for the government not to end the standoff and straighten the deal with extremists. There should be no reason to act against those who challenges state sovereignty” international experience is tolerating extremism is not a good policy. By tolerating it we give time for it to grow and whenever extremism sees the situation favorable it will hit on moderate forces. Musharaff has also entered into deals with militants. a peace agreement was concluded on 5 September 2006 between Pakistan and the local Taliban of North Waziristan. But the deal did not prevent the use of the tribal area as a staging ground for attacks on Afghanistan, which had been one of the agreement’s central stipulations. Security incidents involving insurgents instead rose by 50 percent in Khost and 70 per cent in Paktika, between September and November 2006, and were accompanied by intensified propaganda activities in the form of night letters, targeted kidnappings, and preaching by itinerant mullahs. There were reports of cross-border movement in both directions.
Security decisions seem to serve some other purpose not yet clear to media. Ayesha Seddiqa a strategic affairs analyst, on the subject of threat perception said “in politically underdeveloped societies in particular, the armed forces project themselves as saviors … threats are often consciously projected to justify spending on the military”
The Pakistani military is amplifying the threat of extremism; the question is, in the face of losing credibility and reputation, what is the military getting?
Pakistan is the single largest receipt of Washington anti-terror war. In the first four years after 9/11 Pakistan received more than $3billion from the Coalition Support Fund. Because of CSF, Pakistan now ranks as one of the largest recipient of US military aid and assistance, rivaling long-time US favorites Israel and Egypt.
Fighting extremism is not the only problem, the US state department’s 2006 country terrorism report is concerned about Pakistan’s ability “to cooperate internationally on counter terrorism finance issues” but the anti money laundering bill is stalled in the national assembly. Analysts believe the anti-money laundering bill will make the military and its intricately connected crony system of big business and industrialists very uncomfortable. A recent Pakistani securities and exchange report indicates there are at least six key operatives manipulating the stocks.
To strengthen military efforts NATO came up with an initiative, NATO assumed responsibility for co-chairing the military Tripartite Commission, and has made the development of operational cooperation between the Afghan and Pakistani armies one of its highest priorities. An additional working group was created to focus on coordination of border security operations, and an Afghan, Pakistani and ISAF joint operations intelligence cell, tasked with enabling the sharing of military intelligence, was established in Kabul. The question is how much has been achieved through improving tactical coordination. NATO pressed on the twentieth plenary session of the tripartite commission in Pakistan on 12 January 2007. It focused on improving tactical coordination. In addition to the subcommittees for border security, military intelligence-sharing and counter-improvised explosive devices, the Tripartite Commission developed terms of reference for the new Operational Coordination Working Group and conducted preliminary joint planning for offensive pre-emptive operations in spring 2007.
The new operational and tactical coordination terms didn’t stop the insurgency. The figures for March 2007, for example, were almost triple those in January 2006. there was a marked increase in insurgent forces prepared to engage in conventional combat operations against Afghan Military Forces (AMF) and international security forces, and a significant improvement in the insurgents’ tactics and training.
The pre-emptive operations launched, using intelligence-sharing of tripartite commission has so far affected civilians the most; Afghan insurgency has an average of 200 casualties every month, this spring , with a significant number of civilian deaths.
Trade and investment potentials:
Pakistan provides modern rail as well as road facilities and Afghanistan offers short distance for trade. Afghanistan is the natural route for central Asia and eastern china. Afghanistan’s largest border is with Pakistan; therefore it cannot serve as a transit hub between south and central Asia unless relations improve between them. A transit corridor from central to south Asia through Afghanistan would cost less than US$ 6 billion. The returns on this investment, at full development in 2010, in combined regional trade would be 160 percent greater and transit trade would be 111 percent greater than they would have been without the corridor. Shirkhan Bridge is to be inaugurated soon, this will connect Afghanistan and Tajikistan through which Pakistan and the whole central Asia would be linked. An area of 40KM will be declared free trade area in Shirkhan Bandar where Afghan and Tajik traders will roam without a visa.
Renovation of the china, Kyrgyz-Uzbek transnational highway is underway and the road connects china with Tajikistan was recently completed. The possibility that this transport link could provide access for Tajikistan and china to the Indian ocean through Afghanistan and pakistan appears high.
In addition to national products the region could exchange electricity, oil and gas.
Turkmensitan-afghanistan-Pakistan gas pipeline project is important to meet the growing energy needs of pakistan and India. It was this April Afghanistan joined SAARC. Afghanistan and Pakistans’ membership and association of the regional organizations namely SCO, SAARC and ECO lend both countries a unique position to facilitate inter-regional cooperation. Geography has endowed Afghanistan and pakistan with unique potential to become the hub of economic activity in our region.
Agreements on electricity transit were reached between Afghanistan and Pakistan, Tajikistan, the Islamic Republic of Iran and Kyrgyzstan. The agreement facilitates Tajik and Kyrgyz electricity to transit to Afghanistan and Pakistan. The central Asian states produce a large sum of surplus power. Major foreign investment is underway in Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan to build hydroelectric damn and power plants as well as upgrading the technology. Russian companies has invested US$ 370 million in the last three years in Tajik energy sector.
Pakistan and Afghanistan suffer severe power shortage. Less than 12% of Afghan households has access to electricity. Last winter the situation was particularly bad, residential areas had four hours of power every three 72 hours. “Pakistan will soon undertake the renovation of an Afghan power plant” J.J Jamal, federal culture minister of culture of pakistan. Corruption and mismanagement is major part of the problem but power production capacity remains very low. Afghan government has been unable neither to redo power damns nor to build new ones. International community in Afghanistan is also not interested to invest in fundamental projects.
Pakistan also faces power shortage, water and power authorities in Pakistan (WAPDA) has introduced a new plan for power conservation. The plan introduces two hour electricity shed every six hours.
An electricity transmission cable has already been extended from Tajikistan to Kabul.
These positive developments together with the Gwadar project make Pakistan and Afghanistan an indispensable link for SCO member states.
Neighboring countries, Pakistan specifically, has contributed extensive financial and technical assistance to Afghanistan’s infrastructure. Hundreds of kilometers of roads were built and/or rehabilitated, irrigation and water supply systems were reconstructed, three hospitals and 10 schools were built and a number of higher education institutions received research laboratories, textbooks, computers and other equipment. In an encouraging sign of technical cooperation, the Afghan and Pakistani Ministers of Health launched a cross-border polio vaccination campaign, supported by the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF).
Advancing regional cooperation remains a strategic priority for Afghanistan. Institutional frameworks, launched at the Regional Economic Cooperation Conferences in Kabul and New Delhi (and within the Joint Coordination and Monitoring Board), require commitment and support within the region and the international community.
This is another area where strategies remain strategies and doesn’t embody in form of action. In a gesture of boosting coordination, Karzai turned down 500 scholarships from Pakistan “I am throwing out this gift out of the window” said Karzai. “twelve thousand Afghans are currently studying in higher education institutions of Pakistan” said Bashir Sadaat, second secretary of Afghanistan in Pakistan “Afghan students graduating from Pakistani universities has the highest return rate to Afghanistan than from any other country in the world” he said. “Afghan graduates of Pakistan universities has most of the senior jobs in Afghanistan” said Fareed Haidari, Afghan cultural attaché in Pakistan. Afghanistan image would certainly change positively if there are educated Afghans interacting with Pakistani counterparts on daily basis. “Karzai decision to turn down Pakistani scholarships was political” said Fareed Haidari, Afghan cultural attaché.
The Government of Pakistan reconfirmed its decision to close four refugee camps in the North-West Frontier Province and in Balochistan. The operation is scheduled to be completed by 31 August 2007. The residents will be offered the option of returning to Afghanistan or relocating to other camps in Pakistan.
There are over 2.5 million Afghans still in Pakistan. The worsening economical and security situation prevailing in Afghanistan doesn’t allow them to return. Iran has already started force expulsion of Afghans, creating a humanitarian crisis, over which two ministers were evicted by the parliament. There is no foreseeable hope for the future of Pak-Afghan relation, which might affect Afghan refugee situation. Afghan government should closely monitor the situation for any sign of force expulsion of Afghans from Pakistan. Pakistan prime minister, Shaukat Aziz renewed his government vow for the repatriation of Afghan refugee at G8 summit. Regular meetings of Afghan diplomats and Afghan refugee attaché s shall be held with refugees in all major cities. Ministry of refugees and repatriation should monitor Pakistani media to have a better knowledge of Pakistan attitude toward refugees. Afghan ministry of foreign affairs and afghan mission in Pakistan should regularly discuss the faith of refugees with Pakistan. Afghan ministry of foreign affairs and ministry of refugees and repatriation shall release the report of Pakistan mission to media.
Media and free expression:
Afghan and Pakistani media is not doing a brilliant job, fulfilling their mission, which is alerting the government of social injustices resulting in worsening security and public discontent. Afghan and Pakistan government reliance on western money has distanced them from their people. both Afghan and pakistan government have bad human rights record and it’s got worst after 9/11. Strategic importance has got priority to human rights for America and the west. Afghanistan and Pakistan receives huge sums of money in white checks for their geopolitical importance in Bush terror campaign.
Visiting journalist delegation from both countries greatly enhances understanding or least reduces hostility, “my view has changed 180 degrees, I had a different image of Pakistan, but now when I think about pakistan I don’t think about government I think about all the people I have met” said Ghaws Zalmai, head of Afghan journalist union on his return at Kabul airport. The visit was a chance for Afghans to network with Pakistani society and people.
Afghan government should take similar steps and invite Pakistani journalists. A week trip wouldn’t cost much but it will have tremendous affect on visiting journalist and s/he will make a life time impression and connection to Afghanistan.
Majority of people in Pakistan and Afghanistan only know politically about each other, they know the situation prevailing on the face of it. but they don’t know the situation in itself, for Pakistan, Afghanistan ends up to Peshawar, behind Peshawar there is a hindrance, there is a cultural block, there is a social block, so that should have been broken, once that is broken there is a great potential. Peshawar is a lot like Afghanistan – traditionally and culturally, but in Punjab, Sind and Baluchistan there is a lot of things laying unattended. Even if we organize a food festival, people would come to a food festival; people would come to see what is the food like. Chinese are all over the world, only selling their food and now you see Chinese product too, they started with cultural penetration and everything else followed.
Pakistan government has realized that Afghan media is now playing a major role, politicians and MPs who were once Pakistan cronies now want to blame Pakistan, it’s popular and sexy to hit on Pakistan. Pakistan want to win some sympathy among media.
“Afghanistan and Pakistan relation can be explained in details through dialogue, inviting political parties and private sector as well as neighboring countries. You can tell us what you think about Pakistan, what is the misunderstanding. A lot of exchanges could be done in political, religious and social area” said Tariq Badaruddin, director of Al-jareeda newspaper.
Media definitely has a role to play, but would only be successful if its freedom is ensured.
Media in Afghanistan is one of the few achievements of the five years since the fall of the Taliban regime. But it remains fragile as journalists feel the effects of deteriorating security, threats from warlords, conservative religious leaders and an increasingly hard-pressed government. “Media freedom ends the minute you touch a warlord or a government official,” said Mohammad Hassan Wolesmal, editor of Afghan Milli Jarida, whose home was attacked in March after the paper carried an article critical of President Hamid Karzai.
The growing presence in the media of Taliban rebels has led the secret services to try to impose a degree of censorship. The secret services ordered journalists to stop using the expression “warlord” and to support the efforts of the Afghan army. Despite the outcry, Hamid Karzai confirmed that he had been consulted by the authors of the list, because, he said, certain imperatives had to be taken into account in the interests of national security.
In Pakistan, there has been a major escalation in the incidents of attacks on media, including government attempts to muzzle the media during the period May 3, 2006 to May 3, 2007 At least five journalists were killed, 17 were arrested or detained, 61 injured in physical attacks or tortured and 27 harassed or intimidated while 11 cases of attacks on media property and 16 cases of official restrictions imposed on media to censor coverage or gag orders were reported.
There has also been a discernable rise in the numbers of attempts by the government to stop and interrupt TV transmissions and even official written directives to TV channels to stop airing certain current affairs programs and influencing content of others.
Armed Pakistani tribesmen had been imposing their own hardline version of Islam in the lawless border region near Afghanistan, their influence is spreading, and the state seems powerless to stop it. “We believe that you are justified in carrying out suicide bombings against the enemies of Islam” said Pakistan Taleban commander Qari Sarfraz in an interview with BBC. “Suicide attacks are the only way to confront Jewish and Christian domination in Afghanistan and Iraq” said Mawlana Fazalullah in an interview with Khyber television on May 25. Mawlana Fazalullah is a controversial figure in Swat who opposes girls’ education and vaccination. Fazalullah has set up an FM radio station without acquiring the license; through his radio he prevented Polio vaccine to reach 25000 children. “if Allah has destined them to live, there is no need for vaccination” is the message through FM station. Pakistan government went to talk with him in an attempt to persuade him to stay quiet on the issue of vaccination “The question is whether the government could tolerate a moderate FM station, broadcasting without license” said a Pakistani media activist. Extremists and their message of hatred would only prevail if moderate voices are not persuaded.
In spite the policy set backs for media growth, there is the expansion of media too. The unconventional reason for this media expansion in countries like Pakistan and Afghanistan where democracy doesn’t have a very good record, in these countries people are afraid of police, police controls everything, but the police is afraid of one thing – that is the media. Sometimes, people come to have a dummy newspaper to play a negative role in the society, so they try to blackmail part of the society one way or the other, to have this role they bay out on the media. that is why there are more 200 newspapers coming out of Lahore alone, under different shapes some are dummy newspapers, some only have the Cards and they use the cards with difference to places, so this is also effective. Then there is the advertisement, even the dummy gets some share of the advertisement.
Some have newspaper to safeguard their own interests, they have a newspapers so they can do a lot of things which could be protected behind the newspaper. That is why you can see out of hundreds of newspapers five or six have prominent role in current affairs.
Pak and Afghan media do go outside their journalistic ethics, slandering and insulting people and cultures. This only defines the media and doesn’t say much about a nation or culture. Pakistani media doesn’t hesitate to insult Afghans, on May 27th edition of The Nation an article was published under the title “Afghan or Collared Pika” it writes “Pika live in loose colonies and are often erratic in occurrence even in favorable habitat. By nature they are inquisitive. They often remain motionless on a prominent rock as an intruder approaches but are very agile in scampering over huge rocks when retreating … unlike the Hares and Rabbits these comparatively small animals lack any tail and have medium sized rounded ears…”
The Nation was founded 67 years ago on Islamic principals, supporting the ideology of Muslim nation and political Islam, and a wider vision for Islamic world.
Pakistan public not happy with the presence of foreign forces in Afghanistan
Soahila is among many Afghan working in MarriottSoahila claims to be from Kabul but she has never been to Afghanistan “my parents go to Afghanistan regularly” she said. Soahila works in Marriott, a super fancy hotel, out of any Afghan and Pakistani realities where accommodation could cost up to US$1800, which equals four years of average Afghan income.
Soahila is wearing a smart strip suit with no headscarf, she is happily serving guests in Nadia Buffet “Afghanistan remains dangerous, I have heard, at broad day light, people get stabbed or shot on the street. There are stories of horror and occupation” said Soahila “I don’t want to go to Afghanistan, I won’t be able to work” she added. She seemed disturbed when we were talking about future “I don’t know what to say about Afghanistan, Afghans in Islamabad are either waiting to go abroad (western countries) or don’t have home to return”
Kashmir or Afghanistan: the Nation resident editor, Mr. Hamadani, is holding a page dedicated to disputed territories“What do you think of presence of occupation force in Afghanistan?” or “what do Afghans think of Pakistan?” are two of the common questions posed by Pakistani journalists, to a visiting Afghan journalist delegation. Pakistan has been home to millions of Afghan refugees for over two decades, yet the politics of Afghanistan remain clandestine for many Pakistanis. Most of Karzai’s administration senior officials were under Pakistan supervision for at least two decades, some of them were even working for Pakistan secret service, yet the agenda of them remain unknown and unreliable. Afghan policies are misperceived and misunderstood, Afghan politicians haven’t been able to make their point to their closest neighbor “the people of Afghanistan are totally against occupation forces” writes the Nation in it’s May 26th edition after a meeting with the Afghan journalist delegation, the paper continues “the delegation observed that press in Afghanistan is not as free as it is in Pakistan” Nawa-i- Waqt and the Nation are two conservative papers in Pakistan with very large circulation. “we have hundreds of reporters” said Muhammad Nawaz Raza, chief reporter. The Nation is published in English with a Page on Kashmir/Afghanistan. Although the nation puts Afghanistan on one sheet with Kashmir, a territory Pakistan claims over, but they don’t have a reporter in Afghanistan “we pulled our reporter out of Afghanistan, for security reasons and often maltreatment” said Jawid Sediq, resident editor for Nawa-i-Waqt.
“Your President, Mr. Karzai, has only one thing to say: Pakistan is behind the terrorists, but its the allied forces who hasn’t been able to restore peace in Afghanistan” said Hamadani, resident editor of the English paper, the nation “I love Afghans, they have lived here, some of our men has married Afghan women” emphasizing on commonalities he continued “we have the common language” he said in English “so there is people to people contact” police and crisis-hit government are unable to respond wisely to social, political and international changes. Their sole concern is how to maintain power, mounting social objections as a result, creates a vibrant force craving for change. Failed states tend to change this to a power used against the neighbors and the region. Unfortunately, this is not easily realized by the population. “here in pakistan we would like to know what is really life like in Afghanistan” said a senior journalist for Naw-i-Waqt “Afghanistan continue to be under occupation, how is it to live there?” he asked “I don’t expect such questions from a Pakistani journalist” said Mr. Qayum, an afghan media manager “Afghanistan is not occupied and we are totally against occupation” Qayum continued “how could Afghans trust Karzai while he doesn’t trust them, he has American body guards” the Pakistani journalist argued.
Friday, June 01, 2007
Wednesday, May 16, 2007
Justice and Accountability: Traditional, informal judicial structures continue to fill the gap in justice for many Afghans, while the formal justice sector remains inaccessible and corrupt, and is unable to confront impunity, adjudicate land disputes, unravel criminal networks, or protect the rights of citizens.
Economic Conditions: High economic growth and a more open business environment have improved the general health of the Afghan economy, yet these benefits have not translated into sufficient employment and income generating activities for the ordinary citizen.
Social Services and Infrastructure: Although reconstruction investments by the international community have enhanced social services and infrastructure, deteriorating security conditions, a scarcity of competent personnel and low quality has limited access and its benefits for many Afghans.
The Afghan government and its international allies face a far more difficult and complex situation today than they did when the Taliban fell in 2001. Reforms are required in the military and civilian sectors, especially as the violence is expected to increase as spring approaches.
Countering these negative trends requires a more focused effort. A policy of “staying the course”—even if bolstered by new resources—will not reverse the trends. A fresh surge of supplemental funding is expected this year. It must be directed in a way that finds and engages the maximum number of Afghan citizens.
1. Restore public confidence in the plan for safety. Focus on Kandahar and Helmand provinces; treat the threat as an insurgency; concentrate on ways to counter the Taliban’s tribal and charismatic appeal and tactics of intimidation; and restore confidence in the U.S. and international commitment.
Move from “big army” sweeps to a rapid-response mode that would provide a “15-minute” rapid response protective umbrella in the endangered south and east of thecountry. Establish a consistent Afghan-led security presence in half of the 26 districts in Kandahar and Helmand provinces, with more flexible fighting forces and more helicopters.
Address Pakistan-Afghanistan challenges by focusing on the needs of disenfranchised Pashtun communities on both sides of the border. Invest in intelligence to clarify developments in the border region.
Shift the anti-drug effort from eradication to a combination of purchase, alternative crops, and interdiction, with a particular emphasis on the high-growth provinces ofKandahar and Helmand.
2. Mobilize communities to contribute to the recovery. Move away from over-reliance on Kabul and centralized systems; diminish the role of middle men and corruption; andenhance local participation.
Improve the use of international funds by shifting to a venture-capital model, delivering direct payments to the struggling Afghan middle class, and investing innon-traditional partners.
Leverage existing structures by expanding the National Solidarity Program (NSP) and working with the informal justice sector. Shift 50 percent of the developmentbudget to the provincial level, and distribute direct assistance through the Hawala system.
Expand communications through a single message of effort and partnership, and use “no-tech” to “high-tech” methods such as text messaging or holding meetings inlocal town halls to link up with key gatekeepers of information (e.g., mullahs, truck drivers, local elders).
Restoring progress in Afghanistan requires dramatic changes. If a critical mass of Afghans experiences positive change, the negative trends are reversible. 2007 is the breaking point.
Economic Conditions: High economic growth and a more open business environment have improved the general health of the Afghan economy, yet these benefits have not translated into sufficient employment and income generating activities for the ordinary citizen.
Social Services and Infrastructure: Although reconstruction investments by the international community have enhanced social services and infrastructure, deteriorating security conditions, a scarcity of competent personnel and low quality has limited access and its benefits for many Afghans.
The Afghan government and its international allies face a far more difficult and complex situation today than they did when the Taliban fell in 2001. Reforms are required in the military and civilian sectors, especially as the violence is expected to increase as spring approaches.
Countering these negative trends requires a more focused effort. A policy of “staying the course”—even if bolstered by new resources—will not reverse the trends. A fresh surge of supplemental funding is expected this year. It must be directed in a way that finds and engages the maximum number of Afghan citizens.
1. Restore public confidence in the plan for safety. Focus on Kandahar and Helmand provinces; treat the threat as an insurgency; concentrate on ways to counter the Taliban’s tribal and charismatic appeal and tactics of intimidation; and restore confidence in the U.S. and international commitment.
Move from “big army” sweeps to a rapid-response mode that would provide a “15-minute” rapid response protective umbrella in the endangered south and east of thecountry. Establish a consistent Afghan-led security presence in half of the 26 districts in Kandahar and Helmand provinces, with more flexible fighting forces and more helicopters.
Address Pakistan-Afghanistan challenges by focusing on the needs of disenfranchised Pashtun communities on both sides of the border. Invest in intelligence to clarify developments in the border region.
Shift the anti-drug effort from eradication to a combination of purchase, alternative crops, and interdiction, with a particular emphasis on the high-growth provinces ofKandahar and Helmand.
2. Mobilize communities to contribute to the recovery. Move away from over-reliance on Kabul and centralized systems; diminish the role of middle men and corruption; andenhance local participation.
Improve the use of international funds by shifting to a venture-capital model, delivering direct payments to the struggling Afghan middle class, and investing innon-traditional partners.
Leverage existing structures by expanding the National Solidarity Program (NSP) and working with the informal justice sector. Shift 50 percent of the developmentbudget to the provincial level, and distribute direct assistance through the Hawala system.
Expand communications through a single message of effort and partnership, and use “no-tech” to “high-tech” methods such as text messaging or holding meetings inlocal town halls to link up with key gatekeepers of information (e.g., mullahs, truck drivers, local elders).
Restoring progress in Afghanistan requires dramatic changes. If a critical mass of Afghans experiences positive change, the negative trends are reversible. 2007 is the breaking point.
Tuesday, May 08, 2007
وزیر فرهنگ درک متضاد از رسانه ها دارد
وزیر اطلاعات و فرهنگ، عبدالکریم خرم، طی نامه یی که به موسسه ی "انترنیوز" فرستاده است، از این موسسه خواسته است تا "هر چه زودتر زاهد شاه انگار، مسؤول رادیو سولی پیغام را از این پست سبکدوش نموده همچنان محتوای نشرات را اصلاح ساخته و به عوض آن شخص واجد شرایط را توظیف نموده و از نتیجه در ظرف یک هفته بمقام وزارت اطلاعات و فرهنگ اطمینان دهد". جزئیات یشتر را در این مورد، در نامه ی وزیر - که ضمیمتأ نشر نموده ام - دریافت نمائید.
در اینجا میخواهم نامه وزیر اطلاعات و فرهنگ را مورد تحلیل قرار داده و تفسیری از عبارات نامه و ایجابات آن را ارائه کنم. مسایلی که میخواهم به آن بپردازم به گونه زیر است:
· درک وزیر از چگونه گی فعالیت موسسات بین المللی، که حامی رسانه ها اند.
· نوع مالکیت، نحوه ی ساختار و نظارت بر رسانه های آزاد.
· قضاوت در خلاء معلومات، پیرامون رادیو سولی پیغام و شیوه های علمی دریافت اطلاعات در باره ی رسانه ها.
· میزان دانش وزارت اطلاعات و فرهنگ از شیوه های حل اختلافات محلی در کشور.
· نتیجه گیری.
درک وزیر از چگونه گی فعالیت موسسات بین المللی، که حامی رسانه ها اند:
از لابلای نامه ی وزیر چنین برداشت میشود که "انترنیوز" بر رادیوی "سولی پیغام" نظارت کامل داشته و وزارت میتواند که به یک موسسه بین المللی حامی آزادی رسانه ها، فرمان های "بکو و نکو"را صادر نماید که این خود، نشان دهنده ی فهم وزیر از چگونه گی ارتباط میان بازیگران رسانه یی میباشد. زمانی که وزیر میگوید: "و از نتیجه در ظرف یک هفته بمقام وزارت اطلاعات و فرهنگ اطمینان دهید" به این معنا است که وزارت و شخص وزیر، میتواند کار انترنیوز را رهبری کند؛ در حالی که انترنیوز از جانب کشور های کمک کننده یی تمویل میشود، که در صدد ایجاد یک بخش (سکتور) رسانه یی آزاد میباشند که توانایی و ظرفیت فعالیت را بدون مداخله ی دولت داشته باشند. کشور های تمویل کننده نمیخواهند، "کریم خرم" و یا کدام مقام دیگر دولتی، چگونگی مصرف پول شان را نظارت کند.
یک سخنگوی سفارت امریکا درکابل، در مورد برخورد وزارت اطلاعات و فرهنگ با رادیو سولی پیغام گفت: " ساختار ها و بافت های قانونی ایجاد شده است، یا از طریق محاکم و یا هم از طریق قوانین مربوط دیگر، وزارت باید، از این دو جهت به پیش برود. نباید که اهداف از طریق تهدید و یا فشار روی رسانه های مستقل به دست بیاید. هر معضله یی که ایجاد میشود، باید با آن برخورد نهادینه صورت گیرد، نه بر اساس ترجیحات شخصی و سیاسی. ایالات متحده، از فعالیت نهاد ها حمایت میکند."
نوع مالکیت، نحوه ی ساختار و نظارت بر رسانه های آزاد:
نخست اینکه شخص وزیر، تا حال مفهوم رسانه های آزاد را درک ننموده است. "رادیو سولی پیغام از جمله ی 31 دستگاه رادیویی آزاد محلی میباشد، که دفتر انترنیوز آنرا ایجاد و به مردم محل سپرده است. آقای "زاهد شاه انگار" مسـؤول رادیو ی مذکور توسط هیئت رهنمایی رادیو معرفی و به این وظیفه گماشته شده است". این موضوع را "جن مک آرتر"، رئیس موسسه ی انترنیوز گفت.
نهاد ها و موسسات در همه جای دنیا، در تشکیل و مالکیت رسانه سهیم هستند؛ اما رسانه های آزاد از ایجاد کننده گان و تمویل کننده گان خود مستقلانه عمل مینمایند. زمانی که صفحات اساسنامه ی رادیو سولی پیغام را مرور میکردم، نظرم به ماده ی اول بند نخست آن خورد، که در آن آمده است: " رادیو سولی پیغام به مقصد فراهم آوری معلومات و سرگرمی برای مردم در ساحه ی تعیین شده سرمایه گذاری کرده است، مالکیت و پالیسی های ویرایشگری این دستگاه رادیویی، مستقل از دولت خواهد بود و هیچ یک از قبیله ها، ملیت ها، احزاب سیاسی، گروه های مذهبی و یا نهادهای جغرافیایی، این دستگاه را نظارت و بررسی نخواهند نمود."
دولت افغانستان، رادیو سولی پیغام را با ماده ی فوق ثبت و جواز فعالیت داده است. دولت، اصل استقلال مالکیت رادیو را پذیرفته است. اگر وزیر و یا شخص دیگر دولتی این اصل را تهدید میکند، خلاف قانون عمل کرده است. انگار گفت: "یو خو دقانون مسئله ده، یو رادیو کول شی چی تول ورز(ورح)، قران عظیم شان نشر کری، بله رادیو تول ورز موسیقی نشری، خو دقانون خلاف عمل نکوی. موز د قانون خلاف کار نکوو، هاخوا، چی هر شی، نشروو زموز کار دی". انگار ادامه داد " موز خوست کی مطرح یو، هلته دولتی رادیو ده، بله رادیو ده، تلویزیون ده، د خوست دولتی رادیو ته امریکاییان دیر امکانات ورکری دی، خو موز اوریدونکی لرو. نری وال تولنه او افغانی نهادونه موز پیژنی، امریکی سفیر چی رازی، زموز رادیو گوری"
رئیس موسسه ی انترنیوزخانم "جن مک آرتر" گفت: " انترنیوز در موقفی نیست تا مسؤول رادیو را برطرف نماید. ما به این عقیده هم هستیم که دلیل قانع کننده جهت برطرفی وی موجود نیست. به اساس برداشتی که ما از قانون رسانه ها داریم، دلیل موجه یی را نمیبینم که مداخله دولت را هم در مدیریت رادیو، قانونی جلوه دهد".با توجه به این مسئله قانون رسانه ها، شامل فهرستی از تخلفات رسانه یی میباشد. کریم خرم یکی از آن موارد را در نامه اش ذکر ننموده است و هر یک از تخلفات، پس از غور کمیسیون رسیده گی به تخلفات رسانه یی، مجازات معینی دارد که به هر حال، سلب ملکیت رادیو، شامل هیچ یکی از مجازات نمیباشد. به ادعای وزیر اطلاعات وفرهنگ، معترضین، کارکنان رادیو سولی پیغام میباشند؛ اما انگار، مسوؤل رادیو میگوید که این ادعا بی اساس است: "موز په رادیو کی لس تنه کارکونکی لرو، هغی نه سربیره موز شپالس تنه رضاکاران هم لرو، دغه کسان (چی عرضی کری دی) موز سره په رضاکارانه دول همکار وو، دوی زموز کارکونکی ندی، دوی سره زه کم قرارداد نه لرم یا کم بل سند نشته"
قضاوت در خلاء معلومات، پیرامون رادیو سولی پیغام و شیوه های علمی دریافت اطلاعات در باره ی رسانه ها:
کریم خرم منحیث وزیر اطلاعات و فرهنگ در رأس معتبر ترین اداره ی فرهنگی و اطلاعاتی کشور قرار دارد. پیمایش های اطلاعاتی، با در نظر داشت تنوع روش شناسی، یکی از شیوه های علمی میباشد که میتوان در مورد رسانه ها، خبرنگاران و مخاطبان اطلاعات، جمع آوری نمود. وزارت اطلاعات و فرهنگ نه تنها که تا امروز کدام پژوهش و یا پیمایش علمی، پیرامون سلیقه ی مخاطبان و یا موقف رسانه ها انجام نداده است وبرعلاوه، از اطلاعاتی که دیگر نهاد های علمی و بین المللی تولید نموده است، نیز استفاده نمی نماید. در بخشی از نامه ی خود، وزیر میگوید: "همچنان محتوای نشرات را اصلاح سازید". متاسفانه این عبارت از لحاظ قانونی کم رنگ میباشد. ابهامات موجوده در این عبارت، حاکی از مقاصد پنهانی میباشد. محتوای نشرات اکنون چگونه است؟ چند ساعت و شامل چی موضوعاتی است؟ چی نواقصی دارد؟ کدام یک از آن نواقص غیر قانونی میباشد؟ چی توقع دارید؟ چه گونه باید اصلاح شود؟ چی باید نشر شود؟ این همه پرسش هایی است که وزیر باید به آن اشاره میکرد. پرسش دیگر این است که سبکدوش نمودن زاهد شاه انگار، با اصلاح محتوای نشرات ، چی ربطی دارد؟ سبکدوش نمودن وی به خاطر نشرات کم کیفیت، غیر قانونی میباشد. قانون رسانه ها در این مورد وضاحت دارد. جن مک آرتر رئیس انترنیوزدر این باره می گوید: "از نشراتی که منجر به نقض قانون مطبوعات شده باشد، و یا اینکه نحوه ی عملکرد و یا نشراتی که منجر به تخطی و نقض دیگر قوانین افغانستان شده باشد، هیچ شواهدی در دست نداشته و اطلاعی نداریم".
موسسات "التای، ائینه و انترنیوز" پیمایش هایی را در مورد رادیو سولی پیغام عملی نموده اند که نتایج آن، تشویق کننده میباشد. به گفته ی انگار"در پیمایشی که موسسه ی التای در سال 2004 در خوست نموده بود، دریافت شد که 98% از اهالی خوست، به رادیو سولی پیغام گوش میدهند” در این گزارش آمده است: "هر دو قشر جامعه - اعم از مرد و زن - گزارش دادند که در فهم برنامه هایی رادیو سولی پیغام، کدام مشکلی ندارند".
اساسنامه ی رادیو سولی پیغام، داشتن هیئت مدیره را یک رکن اساسی میشمارد. در اساسنامه آمده است: "هیئت مدیره، برای مدت یکسال کارخواهند نمود، بعدآ اعضا، شاید انتخاب و یا دوباره برای مدت چهارسال مقرر گردند." تنها هیئت مدیره میتواند، مسؤول رادیو را منفک و یا شخص دیگری را جاگزین نماید. اگر هیئت مدیره ی کنونی، نظر به علایقی که به شخص مسؤول رادیو دارند، نمیخواهند و یا نمیتوانند او را سبکدوش نمایند، در آن صورت، مردم محل، با همکاری کارمندان و مسؤول رادیو، هیئت مدیره فعلی را برکنار نموده و هیئت جدید را انتخاب مینمایند. دولت نمیتواند هیئت را مجبور به اخذ تصامیم نماید و یا هیئت را برکنار نماید. دولت میتواند در صورت لزوم دید، یک نفر در هیئت مدیره مقررنماید؛ ولی این شخص، حیثیت مشاور را خواهد داشت و امتیاز رأی دهی را دارا نخواهد بود.
رادیو سولی پیغام، هزارها نامه، هر ماه دریافت مینماید. این نامه ها بازتابی از میزان صمیمت نسبت به رادیو و عادی بودن زنده گی شنونده گان میباشد. در این نامه ها، اشتیاق شدید نسبت به خانواده، دین و وطن ابراز گردیده است. صدق و صفا در قالب واژه ها، نقاشی ها و خطاطی ها و نامه های که به رادیو رسیده، ابراز گردیده است. این نامه ها، تنها یک مجموعه یی نوشتاری نیست؛ بلکه منعکس کننده ی یک فرهنگ ارتباطات است. همه ای این نامه ها، به رادیوسولی پیغام فرستاده شده است. پس کسانی هستند که به رادیو باور دارند و اگر تنها نامه را معیار قرار داده و در باره ی رادیو قضاوت نماییم، نامه های بیشتری به طرفداری از رادیو موجود است، به مقایسه ی تعداد محدودی از انتقاداتی که شخص وزیر، برخلاف رادیو دارد.
میزان دانش وزارت اطلاعات و فرهنگ از شیوه های حل اختلافات محلی در کشور:
چندی پیش اعتراضنامه ی مشابهی از ولایت خوست به بنیاد فرهنگ و جامعه مدنی مواصلت نمود. نامه از جانب نهاد های مدنی که اکنون از رادیو سولی پیغام شاکی اند، فرستاده شده است. در این نامه، از چگونه گی انتخاب اعضای هیئت مدیره شکایت صورت گرفته است. این هیئت، بنیاد فرهنگ و جامعه مدنی را در خوست رهبری میکنند. نامه ی مذکور را ضمیمه نموده ام. وجوه اشتراک میان عدم رضایت از رادیو و بنیاد فرهنگ و جامعه مدنی وجود دارد و آن مشکل مسئله ی معاشات و امتیازات پولی میباشد.
زاهد شاه انگار با اشاره به مشکل خودش با برخی از نهاد های مدنی گفت: "دافغانستان خلک خو در ته معلومه به یی، هغه کار چی دوی خپله نشی کولای، نورو ته هم دیده نه لری. که حوک یو شه کار وکی، آوازه گدیگی چی تول نری یی وخواره". از داکتر "محمد سعید نیازی" در مورد شکایت جامعه مدنی خوست، در مورد انتخابات هیئت مدیره ی بنیاد فرهنگ و جامعه ی مدنی پرسیدم، وی در پاسخ بیان نمود:"کسانی که انتخاب شده اند، میگویند چرا معاش نداریم، کسانی که انتخاب نشده اند، میگویند که هیأت مدیره دنیا را خورد. ما در افغانستان گرسنه را سیر کرده نمیتوانیم و چشم و دیده نداریم که سیر را ببینیم". نیازی افزود که هیئت مدیره برای مدت دو سال انتخاب شده بود و به زودی مدت کار شان پایان می یابد. با اشاره به کسانی که از انتخابات ناراضی بودند، نیازی گفت: " همان هیأت مدیره، برای دوسال انتخاب شده بود. اگر کسی دیگر آرزو دارد، پیش بیاید. خدا ایشان را قوت بدهد که یک هیات جدید انتخاب کنند."
باید یاد اوری نمود که رئیس هئیت مدیره در وضعیت کنونی، خانم "ساحره شریف" است، که با توجه به این مسؤولیت، بعدهاعضو شورای ملی نیز انتخاب گردید و این خلاف ادعای آنانی میباشد که برعدم توانایی او برای جذب رای تاکید مینمایند.
نتیجه گیری :
وزیر اطلاعات و فرهنگ در نامه ی خود از سبکدوشی زاهد شاه انگار مسؤول رادیو صلح، حرف میزند. دو امکان وجود دارد: نخست اینکه، وزیر اطلاعات و فرهنگ در مورد رادیویی صحبت میکند که "صلح" نام دارد و از جانب نیروی های ائتلاف بین المللی نشر و پخش میگردد و یا اینکه نمیداند که اسم رادیویی که انگار مسؤول آن است صلح نبوده؛ بلکه رادیو "سولی پیغام" است.
در نامه ی شماره 108 مورخ 3/2/1386 وزرات اطلاعات و فرهنگ به مقام ولایت کابل نگاشته شده است: " ... تغییرات و تبادلات اداری از صلاحیت های صاحب امتیاز میباشد. مگر اینکه یقینأ و استنادأ اسناد را(شکایت کننده گان) داشته باشند که فعالیت نشراتی شان (رادیو) برخلاف قانون رسانه های همگانی باشد، در چنین مورد، کمیسیون بررسی شکایات و رسیده گی به تخلفات رسانه ئی در همواری راه شان ممد واقع شده میتواند". این نامه برای آگاهی بیشتر شما – ضمیمتأ - نشر شده است.
در اینجا، ما با دو قضیه ی مشابه مواجه هستیم که عبارت است از: شکایت بعضی از نهاد های محلی از رادیو های محلی شان؛ اما برخورد وزارت دوگانه میباشد: یعنی در نامه ی 1088 یکبار حکم مستقیم برطرفی را میدهد و در نامه 108 امر بر اطاعت ازقانون را مینماید.
در اینجا میخواهم نامه وزیر اطلاعات و فرهنگ را مورد تحلیل قرار داده و تفسیری از عبارات نامه و ایجابات آن را ارائه کنم. مسایلی که میخواهم به آن بپردازم به گونه زیر است:
· درک وزیر از چگونه گی فعالیت موسسات بین المللی، که حامی رسانه ها اند.
· نوع مالکیت، نحوه ی ساختار و نظارت بر رسانه های آزاد.
· قضاوت در خلاء معلومات، پیرامون رادیو سولی پیغام و شیوه های علمی دریافت اطلاعات در باره ی رسانه ها.
· میزان دانش وزارت اطلاعات و فرهنگ از شیوه های حل اختلافات محلی در کشور.
· نتیجه گیری.
درک وزیر از چگونه گی فعالیت موسسات بین المللی، که حامی رسانه ها اند:
از لابلای نامه ی وزیر چنین برداشت میشود که "انترنیوز" بر رادیوی "سولی پیغام" نظارت کامل داشته و وزارت میتواند که به یک موسسه بین المللی حامی آزادی رسانه ها، فرمان های "بکو و نکو"را صادر نماید که این خود، نشان دهنده ی فهم وزیر از چگونه گی ارتباط میان بازیگران رسانه یی میباشد. زمانی که وزیر میگوید: "و از نتیجه در ظرف یک هفته بمقام وزارت اطلاعات و فرهنگ اطمینان دهید" به این معنا است که وزارت و شخص وزیر، میتواند کار انترنیوز را رهبری کند؛ در حالی که انترنیوز از جانب کشور های کمک کننده یی تمویل میشود، که در صدد ایجاد یک بخش (سکتور) رسانه یی آزاد میباشند که توانایی و ظرفیت فعالیت را بدون مداخله ی دولت داشته باشند. کشور های تمویل کننده نمیخواهند، "کریم خرم" و یا کدام مقام دیگر دولتی، چگونگی مصرف پول شان را نظارت کند.
یک سخنگوی سفارت امریکا درکابل، در مورد برخورد وزارت اطلاعات و فرهنگ با رادیو سولی پیغام گفت: " ساختار ها و بافت های قانونی ایجاد شده است، یا از طریق محاکم و یا هم از طریق قوانین مربوط دیگر، وزارت باید، از این دو جهت به پیش برود. نباید که اهداف از طریق تهدید و یا فشار روی رسانه های مستقل به دست بیاید. هر معضله یی که ایجاد میشود، باید با آن برخورد نهادینه صورت گیرد، نه بر اساس ترجیحات شخصی و سیاسی. ایالات متحده، از فعالیت نهاد ها حمایت میکند."
نوع مالکیت، نحوه ی ساختار و نظارت بر رسانه های آزاد:
نخست اینکه شخص وزیر، تا حال مفهوم رسانه های آزاد را درک ننموده است. "رادیو سولی پیغام از جمله ی 31 دستگاه رادیویی آزاد محلی میباشد، که دفتر انترنیوز آنرا ایجاد و به مردم محل سپرده است. آقای "زاهد شاه انگار" مسـؤول رادیو ی مذکور توسط هیئت رهنمایی رادیو معرفی و به این وظیفه گماشته شده است". این موضوع را "جن مک آرتر"، رئیس موسسه ی انترنیوز گفت.
نهاد ها و موسسات در همه جای دنیا، در تشکیل و مالکیت رسانه سهیم هستند؛ اما رسانه های آزاد از ایجاد کننده گان و تمویل کننده گان خود مستقلانه عمل مینمایند. زمانی که صفحات اساسنامه ی رادیو سولی پیغام را مرور میکردم، نظرم به ماده ی اول بند نخست آن خورد، که در آن آمده است: " رادیو سولی پیغام به مقصد فراهم آوری معلومات و سرگرمی برای مردم در ساحه ی تعیین شده سرمایه گذاری کرده است، مالکیت و پالیسی های ویرایشگری این دستگاه رادیویی، مستقل از دولت خواهد بود و هیچ یک از قبیله ها، ملیت ها، احزاب سیاسی، گروه های مذهبی و یا نهادهای جغرافیایی، این دستگاه را نظارت و بررسی نخواهند نمود."
دولت افغانستان، رادیو سولی پیغام را با ماده ی فوق ثبت و جواز فعالیت داده است. دولت، اصل استقلال مالکیت رادیو را پذیرفته است. اگر وزیر و یا شخص دیگر دولتی این اصل را تهدید میکند، خلاف قانون عمل کرده است. انگار گفت: "یو خو دقانون مسئله ده، یو رادیو کول شی چی تول ورز(ورح)، قران عظیم شان نشر کری، بله رادیو تول ورز موسیقی نشری، خو دقانون خلاف عمل نکوی. موز د قانون خلاف کار نکوو، هاخوا، چی هر شی، نشروو زموز کار دی". انگار ادامه داد " موز خوست کی مطرح یو، هلته دولتی رادیو ده، بله رادیو ده، تلویزیون ده، د خوست دولتی رادیو ته امریکاییان دیر امکانات ورکری دی، خو موز اوریدونکی لرو. نری وال تولنه او افغانی نهادونه موز پیژنی، امریکی سفیر چی رازی، زموز رادیو گوری"
رئیس موسسه ی انترنیوزخانم "جن مک آرتر" گفت: " انترنیوز در موقفی نیست تا مسؤول رادیو را برطرف نماید. ما به این عقیده هم هستیم که دلیل قانع کننده جهت برطرفی وی موجود نیست. به اساس برداشتی که ما از قانون رسانه ها داریم، دلیل موجه یی را نمیبینم که مداخله دولت را هم در مدیریت رادیو، قانونی جلوه دهد".با توجه به این مسئله قانون رسانه ها، شامل فهرستی از تخلفات رسانه یی میباشد. کریم خرم یکی از آن موارد را در نامه اش ذکر ننموده است و هر یک از تخلفات، پس از غور کمیسیون رسیده گی به تخلفات رسانه یی، مجازات معینی دارد که به هر حال، سلب ملکیت رادیو، شامل هیچ یکی از مجازات نمیباشد. به ادعای وزیر اطلاعات وفرهنگ، معترضین، کارکنان رادیو سولی پیغام میباشند؛ اما انگار، مسوؤل رادیو میگوید که این ادعا بی اساس است: "موز په رادیو کی لس تنه کارکونکی لرو، هغی نه سربیره موز شپالس تنه رضاکاران هم لرو، دغه کسان (چی عرضی کری دی) موز سره په رضاکارانه دول همکار وو، دوی زموز کارکونکی ندی، دوی سره زه کم قرارداد نه لرم یا کم بل سند نشته"
قضاوت در خلاء معلومات، پیرامون رادیو سولی پیغام و شیوه های علمی دریافت اطلاعات در باره ی رسانه ها:
کریم خرم منحیث وزیر اطلاعات و فرهنگ در رأس معتبر ترین اداره ی فرهنگی و اطلاعاتی کشور قرار دارد. پیمایش های اطلاعاتی، با در نظر داشت تنوع روش شناسی، یکی از شیوه های علمی میباشد که میتوان در مورد رسانه ها، خبرنگاران و مخاطبان اطلاعات، جمع آوری نمود. وزارت اطلاعات و فرهنگ نه تنها که تا امروز کدام پژوهش و یا پیمایش علمی، پیرامون سلیقه ی مخاطبان و یا موقف رسانه ها انجام نداده است وبرعلاوه، از اطلاعاتی که دیگر نهاد های علمی و بین المللی تولید نموده است، نیز استفاده نمی نماید. در بخشی از نامه ی خود، وزیر میگوید: "همچنان محتوای نشرات را اصلاح سازید". متاسفانه این عبارت از لحاظ قانونی کم رنگ میباشد. ابهامات موجوده در این عبارت، حاکی از مقاصد پنهانی میباشد. محتوای نشرات اکنون چگونه است؟ چند ساعت و شامل چی موضوعاتی است؟ چی نواقصی دارد؟ کدام یک از آن نواقص غیر قانونی میباشد؟ چی توقع دارید؟ چه گونه باید اصلاح شود؟ چی باید نشر شود؟ این همه پرسش هایی است که وزیر باید به آن اشاره میکرد. پرسش دیگر این است که سبکدوش نمودن زاهد شاه انگار، با اصلاح محتوای نشرات ، چی ربطی دارد؟ سبکدوش نمودن وی به خاطر نشرات کم کیفیت، غیر قانونی میباشد. قانون رسانه ها در این مورد وضاحت دارد. جن مک آرتر رئیس انترنیوزدر این باره می گوید: "از نشراتی که منجر به نقض قانون مطبوعات شده باشد، و یا اینکه نحوه ی عملکرد و یا نشراتی که منجر به تخطی و نقض دیگر قوانین افغانستان شده باشد، هیچ شواهدی در دست نداشته و اطلاعی نداریم".
موسسات "التای، ائینه و انترنیوز" پیمایش هایی را در مورد رادیو سولی پیغام عملی نموده اند که نتایج آن، تشویق کننده میباشد. به گفته ی انگار"در پیمایشی که موسسه ی التای در سال 2004 در خوست نموده بود، دریافت شد که 98% از اهالی خوست، به رادیو سولی پیغام گوش میدهند” در این گزارش آمده است: "هر دو قشر جامعه - اعم از مرد و زن - گزارش دادند که در فهم برنامه هایی رادیو سولی پیغام، کدام مشکلی ندارند".
اساسنامه ی رادیو سولی پیغام، داشتن هیئت مدیره را یک رکن اساسی میشمارد. در اساسنامه آمده است: "هیئت مدیره، برای مدت یکسال کارخواهند نمود، بعدآ اعضا، شاید انتخاب و یا دوباره برای مدت چهارسال مقرر گردند." تنها هیئت مدیره میتواند، مسؤول رادیو را منفک و یا شخص دیگری را جاگزین نماید. اگر هیئت مدیره ی کنونی، نظر به علایقی که به شخص مسؤول رادیو دارند، نمیخواهند و یا نمیتوانند او را سبکدوش نمایند، در آن صورت، مردم محل، با همکاری کارمندان و مسؤول رادیو، هیئت مدیره فعلی را برکنار نموده و هیئت جدید را انتخاب مینمایند. دولت نمیتواند هیئت را مجبور به اخذ تصامیم نماید و یا هیئت را برکنار نماید. دولت میتواند در صورت لزوم دید، یک نفر در هیئت مدیره مقررنماید؛ ولی این شخص، حیثیت مشاور را خواهد داشت و امتیاز رأی دهی را دارا نخواهد بود.
رادیو سولی پیغام، هزارها نامه، هر ماه دریافت مینماید. این نامه ها بازتابی از میزان صمیمت نسبت به رادیو و عادی بودن زنده گی شنونده گان میباشد. در این نامه ها، اشتیاق شدید نسبت به خانواده، دین و وطن ابراز گردیده است. صدق و صفا در قالب واژه ها، نقاشی ها و خطاطی ها و نامه های که به رادیو رسیده، ابراز گردیده است. این نامه ها، تنها یک مجموعه یی نوشتاری نیست؛ بلکه منعکس کننده ی یک فرهنگ ارتباطات است. همه ای این نامه ها، به رادیوسولی پیغام فرستاده شده است. پس کسانی هستند که به رادیو باور دارند و اگر تنها نامه را معیار قرار داده و در باره ی رادیو قضاوت نماییم، نامه های بیشتری به طرفداری از رادیو موجود است، به مقایسه ی تعداد محدودی از انتقاداتی که شخص وزیر، برخلاف رادیو دارد.
میزان دانش وزارت اطلاعات و فرهنگ از شیوه های حل اختلافات محلی در کشور:
چندی پیش اعتراضنامه ی مشابهی از ولایت خوست به بنیاد فرهنگ و جامعه مدنی مواصلت نمود. نامه از جانب نهاد های مدنی که اکنون از رادیو سولی پیغام شاکی اند، فرستاده شده است. در این نامه، از چگونه گی انتخاب اعضای هیئت مدیره شکایت صورت گرفته است. این هیئت، بنیاد فرهنگ و جامعه مدنی را در خوست رهبری میکنند. نامه ی مذکور را ضمیمه نموده ام. وجوه اشتراک میان عدم رضایت از رادیو و بنیاد فرهنگ و جامعه مدنی وجود دارد و آن مشکل مسئله ی معاشات و امتیازات پولی میباشد.
زاهد شاه انگار با اشاره به مشکل خودش با برخی از نهاد های مدنی گفت: "دافغانستان خلک خو در ته معلومه به یی، هغه کار چی دوی خپله نشی کولای، نورو ته هم دیده نه لری. که حوک یو شه کار وکی، آوازه گدیگی چی تول نری یی وخواره". از داکتر "محمد سعید نیازی" در مورد شکایت جامعه مدنی خوست، در مورد انتخابات هیئت مدیره ی بنیاد فرهنگ و جامعه ی مدنی پرسیدم، وی در پاسخ بیان نمود:"کسانی که انتخاب شده اند، میگویند چرا معاش نداریم، کسانی که انتخاب نشده اند، میگویند که هیأت مدیره دنیا را خورد. ما در افغانستان گرسنه را سیر کرده نمیتوانیم و چشم و دیده نداریم که سیر را ببینیم". نیازی افزود که هیئت مدیره برای مدت دو سال انتخاب شده بود و به زودی مدت کار شان پایان می یابد. با اشاره به کسانی که از انتخابات ناراضی بودند، نیازی گفت: " همان هیأت مدیره، برای دوسال انتخاب شده بود. اگر کسی دیگر آرزو دارد، پیش بیاید. خدا ایشان را قوت بدهد که یک هیات جدید انتخاب کنند."
باید یاد اوری نمود که رئیس هئیت مدیره در وضعیت کنونی، خانم "ساحره شریف" است، که با توجه به این مسؤولیت، بعدهاعضو شورای ملی نیز انتخاب گردید و این خلاف ادعای آنانی میباشد که برعدم توانایی او برای جذب رای تاکید مینمایند.
نتیجه گیری :
وزیر اطلاعات و فرهنگ در نامه ی خود از سبکدوشی زاهد شاه انگار مسؤول رادیو صلح، حرف میزند. دو امکان وجود دارد: نخست اینکه، وزیر اطلاعات و فرهنگ در مورد رادیویی صحبت میکند که "صلح" نام دارد و از جانب نیروی های ائتلاف بین المللی نشر و پخش میگردد و یا اینکه نمیداند که اسم رادیویی که انگار مسؤول آن است صلح نبوده؛ بلکه رادیو "سولی پیغام" است.
در نامه ی شماره 108 مورخ 3/2/1386 وزرات اطلاعات و فرهنگ به مقام ولایت کابل نگاشته شده است: " ... تغییرات و تبادلات اداری از صلاحیت های صاحب امتیاز میباشد. مگر اینکه یقینأ و استنادأ اسناد را(شکایت کننده گان) داشته باشند که فعالیت نشراتی شان (رادیو) برخلاف قانون رسانه های همگانی باشد، در چنین مورد، کمیسیون بررسی شکایات و رسیده گی به تخلفات رسانه ئی در همواری راه شان ممد واقع شده میتواند". این نامه برای آگاهی بیشتر شما – ضمیمتأ - نشر شده است.
در اینجا، ما با دو قضیه ی مشابه مواجه هستیم که عبارت است از: شکایت بعضی از نهاد های محلی از رادیو های محلی شان؛ اما برخورد وزارت دوگانه میباشد: یعنی در نامه ی 1088 یکبار حکم مستقیم برطرفی را میدهد و در نامه 108 امر بر اطاعت ازقانون را مینماید.
The minister of information has a contradictory understanding of media
The Minister for Iof information and Cculture, Abdul Karim Khuram, in a letter to Internews demanded, that one of the station managers of one of the stations Internews established, through USAID funding, be removed from his position as soon as possible and that “Zahid shah Angahr, director of Sulai Paygham radio station should be removed from his position the soonest possible, the content and programming of the radio station should also be reformed. , and a sensible person should be appointed – instead. The ministry requested to be shall be assured of the changes with in a week.
The Minsters letter was prompted by a handful of letters from members of the community not happy with the station manager. However SW investigations into this issue found many more supporters of the station than dissenters and it appears these letters of complaint may have been made in the context of a highly competitive media market in Khost.
Here, I will try to analyze the issues that arise from the minister’s letter and offer you potential explanations of clauses and implication of concepts. The issues I’ll focus are as following:
Prejudgment in information vacuum about a radio station in one of the Provinces Sulai Paygham and scientific approaches to data gathering on media
Minister’s understanding of how international organizations, supporting free media, works.
Ownership, management structure and monitoring of free media
Knowledge of MoIC on methods of local conflict and conflict resolution
Conclusion
Prejudgment in information vacuum about radio Sulai Paygham and scientific approaches to data gathering on media:
Karim Khuram as minister of information and culture is the head of the highest cultural and media organization in the country. Media survey, with diversity in methodology, is a scientific approach for gathering information on media, journalists and audience. Ministry of information and culture hasn’t only produced any research on audience habits and preferences, but it also hasn’t used the data produced by scientific and international bodies. In part of his letter the minister says “also revise the content of the radio station” unfortunately, this clause is legally very weedy. Ambiguity in this suggests shows some hidden agendas.
How is the radio content now? How many hours and what kind of programs? What are the shortcomings? Which one of the shortcomings is illegal? What do you expect? How do you want to revise? What do you want to hear? These are all, the question the minister should have offered some sort of answer to. The other question is what the station managers Zahid Shah Angahr’s removal has got to do with content improvement; sacking a station manager for poor content is not within the media law of Afghanistan. illegal. Jan McArthur internews country director stated “We are not aware and don’t have any evidence that the station is broadcasting any material that contravenes the media law of Afghanistan or that it is operating in a way that breaches any law of Afghanistan”
Altai, Aina and internews have done some surveys about radio station concerned and found that Sulai Paygham with encouraging outcomes. According Angahr “Altai’s survey in 2004 found out that 98% of the community in this town people surveyed listens to this radio station. The sulai paygham” the reportaudience research shows that continues “both men and women reported that they didn’t have any difficulty understanding this radio stations content.” sulai paygham”
The station also has a board of directors broadly representative of the community, and the station operates according to relevant bylaws Radio Sulai Payman considers board of directors as one of the musts, the bylaw saysin which the “board of directors will work for one year, they can be reappointed for a period of up to four years” only the board of directors can replace the radio manager and appoint a new manager. If the working board of directors for personal or political reasons chose not to doesn’t want to replace the a malfunction manager, but the community is unhappy with the manager, then the community in association with radio staff and manager can appoint a new board of directors. The government can’t compel the board to certain decisions or remove board members. However, the government could, if needed, introduce a representative member to the board, but this person would only remain as an advisor and won’t have voting right.
SW has investigated the operations of the particular station in question and found great community support for the station, eveident on one level through the Radio Sulai Paygham receives thousand of letters of support and requests the station receives every month. T; the letters reflect are the projection of reality, from the a dedicated audience who are enjoying normal life. The sSincerity of the audience is represented in words, drawing and calligraphy. Then we can say that there are some people who trust the radio. If only letters are regarded for judging the radio station, as the minister did, there are more letters in favor of the radio station than the limited number complaining about it.
Legitmacy of hMinister’s understanding of how international organizations, supporting free media, works:
The request from the Ministry subject of the letter implies that internews has full control over the radio station concerned radio Sulai Paygham aand that MoIC can give orders to an international media support organization. This shows a lack of understanding on the minister’s behalf of knowledge on how media players are connected and related. The Minister giving a deadline to Internews to remove the station manager When the minister says “The ministry shall be assured in a week of the changes” means theimplies the minister and/or the ministry can direct Internews work; Internews is funded by USAID to deliver an independent media development program approved by the government of Afghanistan. Internews has been given the task of enabling the development of a this is when Internews is funded by international donor community, which is aiming to establish a free and independent media sector, to compliment a government media sector. This program has been approved by the government of Afghanistan. The afghan run and owned media outlets Internews is supporting need to run with thewith local power and capacity to function without state intervention. Individual Ministries cannot direct INGO’s in there already approved development activities in-country. International community doesn’t want A. K. Khuram or any other government official to scrutinize aid to free media.
A spokesperson for the US embassy in Kabul, referring to the way MoIC handled this radio situation radio Sulai Paygham said “there are institutional frameworks in place, through the courts and through the laws that are in place, that those two parties should pursue the case; it shouldn’t be pursued through intimidation or through pressure on independent media and whenever a case should be made it should be made through the institution and it should be dealt with institutionally rather that politically or personally by the individuals involved … The US government supports institutions”
Ownership, management structure and monitoring of free media:
This incident raises the question of whether the The minister hasn’t understands realized what independentfree media is. The minister assumes the station manager is talks about Angahr as an Internews appointee “Internews has supported 32 free and independent local radio stations across the country with the purpose of being independent afghan owned and run local media. The appointment of station managers is made by Afghan boards of management, not Internews, when Internews becomes aware of corruption, or significant missmanagment or any contravention of the agreement we have with stations, Internews will consult with the stations board of management, staff and key community to leaders to identify and rectify problems.” , and Suli Paygham is one of these radio stations established in Khost province “ said Jan McArthur, Internews country director.
Businesses and organizations are part of structure and ownership of media all over the world; but free media function editorially independent of their funders and founders. Wwhen I was skimming through the pages of this radio stations radio Sulai Paygham bylaws, I noticed that in the first page, the first article first, it saysstates that the radio station “is “radio Sulai Paygham is invested in Khost for providing information and entertainment for Khost people, ownership and editorial policies of this radio station Sulai Paygham wouldare be independent of the government. None of the tribes, ethnic groups, political factions, religious and geographical groups willould have editorial control over content. over its editorial”
The Government of Afghanistan government registered this radio station based on it’s existing structure and bylaws and this legimates the bylaws created by the station. By approving the stations structure and bylaws and issuing a radio Sulai Paygham with this article and issued certificate forof broadcasting for the station, meaning the government has recognized the independence of the radio station. It could be argued that wWhen the Ministry of Iminister of information and Cculture or any other government official tries to intervene in station operations or change station content, without legally backed reasons, then this contravenes the laws that do exist in Afghanistan.is threatening the independence of the radio,
The station manager states that it comes contrary to the law. Angahr said “the role of law: one radio can play Quran throughout the day, another radio can play music all day long; as long as they aren’t violating the law. Our radio station Radio Sulai Paygham hhas done nothing contrary to the law, given that whatever we do and whatever we broadcast is up to us” the station manager continued Angahr continued “we are a player in Khost, and lthough there is a state radio, another radio, a TV station. Khost state radio is financially supported by Americans; but we have the audience. International and Afghan organizations deal with us, US ambassador came and did a live interview on our station”
Internews country director, Miss Jan McArthur said “Internews is not in a position to remove the station manager from the station and does not believe there is good reason to remove the station manager from the station. Based on our understanding of the media law we can find no legal reason that might legitimize the government intervening in the management of this station”
The Afghan Media law has a list of media violations. Karim Khuram mentions none of theose in his letter, each of the violations, after the revision by media complaint commission has certain fine. In any case, confiscating or taking the ownership of the radio station is not a fine. According to the minister letter, the protestors are employees of the radio station Sulai Paygham, but the station manager, Angahr, radio manager said there is no grounds for that claim “we have ten full time staff; in addition we have sixteen volunteers or part timers. The protestors might have been part time volunteers at some point. They are not radio employees. Can the minister show any proof, a contract of something?”
Knowledge of MoIC on methods of local conflict and conflict resolution:
Sometime ago a similar protest letter was sent to Foundation for Culture and Civil Society (FCCS). The letter was sent by almost the same civil society groups protesting against the same radio station. Radio Sulai Paygham now. In the letter the process of election for FCCS board in Khost was condemned. I am attaching that same letter. A number of staff at the radio station have raised their concern that the believe the motivation for complaint in the letter to the Minister from some community members is based on There is one share criteria for objection against both radio sulai paygham and FCCS, that is money and financial benefits.
The station manager Angahr referring to his problem with some civil society groups said “you know some peopleAfghans, when they can’t do anything, they don’t want other to do it either. If somebody does something which counts then they say, he got all the money for it”.
I asked Mohammad Saeed Niazi from FCCS about the board election in Khost, he said “those elected says why there is no salary. Those not selected says, the board has all the money. In Afghanistan we can’t feed the starving, but we also can’t tolerate the non-starvings” Niazi added that the board is selected for two years and it’s soon going to be over, with reference to those protesting against the election Niazi said “the two year old board is over, if any one else want to be on the board or want to appoint a new board please come forward, Allah may give you strength”
It’s worth mentioning the current head of the board is Mrs. Saira Shariff, who was later selected to the parliament. This is contrary to the protesters claim who said she can’t win votes.
Conclusion:
In the letter, the minister talks about the removing tof he station manager from a radio station in Khost. Mr. Zahid Shah Angahr as the manager of radio Sulla (peace).However the name he gives to the station could refer to 2 stations, one is Afghan run and owned and one is run by the collation forces. Consequnetly it is not entirely clear by the content of the letter which station he is referring to, we have presumed for the purpose of this article that it is the Afghan owned and run station. There are two possibilities. First, the minister talks about a different radio, called Sulla (peace); which is run by coalition forces. Or the minister doesn’t know the radio station managed by Zahid Shah Angahr is not Sulla (Peace) but radio Sulai Paygham.
In the letter 108 dated 02, 03, 1386 the ministry of information and culture writes to Kabul governor “... administrative changes are the responsibility of the license holder. Unless, the protestors have strong evidence that the radio station is not compliantaisant with media law. In which case, the complaints handling commission would be the authority to help” for your further readings I am copying the letter attached. We are facing two similar cases, i.e. protest of some civil society groups against local radio but the ministry has dual way of dealing with it. Meaning letter1088 orders the removal of the manager and letter 108 talks about compliance with the law, arguing why the ministry cannot interfere with managements of the station..
Letter 108 signed by the minister is coming from the Directorate of Document Registry and Relations while private radio and TV, related issues should be corresponded through general directorate of broadcast, department of media registration. It could be argued that the Minister has issued a letter n other words the minister has smuggled out a letter from the ministry which carriesto impose personal and political agendas, rather than following the objective guidance of the law..inclination.
The Minsters letter was prompted by a handful of letters from members of the community not happy with the station manager. However SW investigations into this issue found many more supporters of the station than dissenters and it appears these letters of complaint may have been made in the context of a highly competitive media market in Khost.
Here, I will try to analyze the issues that arise from the minister’s letter and offer you potential explanations of clauses and implication of concepts. The issues I’ll focus are as following:
Prejudgment in information vacuum about a radio station in one of the Provinces Sulai Paygham and scientific approaches to data gathering on media
Minister’s understanding of how international organizations, supporting free media, works.
Ownership, management structure and monitoring of free media
Knowledge of MoIC on methods of local conflict and conflict resolution
Conclusion
Prejudgment in information vacuum about radio Sulai Paygham and scientific approaches to data gathering on media:
Karim Khuram as minister of information and culture is the head of the highest cultural and media organization in the country. Media survey, with diversity in methodology, is a scientific approach for gathering information on media, journalists and audience. Ministry of information and culture hasn’t only produced any research on audience habits and preferences, but it also hasn’t used the data produced by scientific and international bodies. In part of his letter the minister says “also revise the content of the radio station” unfortunately, this clause is legally very weedy. Ambiguity in this suggests shows some hidden agendas.
How is the radio content now? How many hours and what kind of programs? What are the shortcomings? Which one of the shortcomings is illegal? What do you expect? How do you want to revise? What do you want to hear? These are all, the question the minister should have offered some sort of answer to. The other question is what the station managers Zahid Shah Angahr’s removal has got to do with content improvement; sacking a station manager for poor content is not within the media law of Afghanistan. illegal. Jan McArthur internews country director stated “We are not aware and don’t have any evidence that the station is broadcasting any material that contravenes the media law of Afghanistan or that it is operating in a way that breaches any law of Afghanistan”
Altai, Aina and internews have done some surveys about radio station concerned and found that Sulai Paygham with encouraging outcomes. According Angahr “Altai’s survey in 2004 found out that 98% of the community in this town people surveyed listens to this radio station. The sulai paygham” the reportaudience research shows that continues “both men and women reported that they didn’t have any difficulty understanding this radio stations content.” sulai paygham”
The station also has a board of directors broadly representative of the community, and the station operates according to relevant bylaws Radio Sulai Payman considers board of directors as one of the musts, the bylaw saysin which the “board of directors will work for one year, they can be reappointed for a period of up to four years” only the board of directors can replace the radio manager and appoint a new manager. If the working board of directors for personal or political reasons chose not to doesn’t want to replace the a malfunction manager, but the community is unhappy with the manager, then the community in association with radio staff and manager can appoint a new board of directors. The government can’t compel the board to certain decisions or remove board members. However, the government could, if needed, introduce a representative member to the board, but this person would only remain as an advisor and won’t have voting right.
SW has investigated the operations of the particular station in question and found great community support for the station, eveident on one level through the Radio Sulai Paygham receives thousand of letters of support and requests the station receives every month. T; the letters reflect are the projection of reality, from the a dedicated audience who are enjoying normal life. The sSincerity of the audience is represented in words, drawing and calligraphy. Then we can say that there are some people who trust the radio. If only letters are regarded for judging the radio station, as the minister did, there are more letters in favor of the radio station than the limited number complaining about it.
Legitmacy of hMinister’s understanding of how international organizations, supporting free media, works:
The request from the Ministry subject of the letter implies that internews has full control over the radio station concerned radio Sulai Paygham aand that MoIC can give orders to an international media support organization. This shows a lack of understanding on the minister’s behalf of knowledge on how media players are connected and related. The Minister giving a deadline to Internews to remove the station manager When the minister says “The ministry shall be assured in a week of the changes” means theimplies the minister and/or the ministry can direct Internews work; Internews is funded by USAID to deliver an independent media development program approved by the government of Afghanistan. Internews has been given the task of enabling the development of a this is when Internews is funded by international donor community, which is aiming to establish a free and independent media sector, to compliment a government media sector. This program has been approved by the government of Afghanistan. The afghan run and owned media outlets Internews is supporting need to run with thewith local power and capacity to function without state intervention. Individual Ministries cannot direct INGO’s in there already approved development activities in-country. International community doesn’t want A. K. Khuram or any other government official to scrutinize aid to free media.
A spokesperson for the US embassy in Kabul, referring to the way MoIC handled this radio situation radio Sulai Paygham said “there are institutional frameworks in place, through the courts and through the laws that are in place, that those two parties should pursue the case; it shouldn’t be pursued through intimidation or through pressure on independent media and whenever a case should be made it should be made through the institution and it should be dealt with institutionally rather that politically or personally by the individuals involved … The US government supports institutions”
Ownership, management structure and monitoring of free media:
This incident raises the question of whether the The minister hasn’t understands realized what independentfree media is. The minister assumes the station manager is talks about Angahr as an Internews appointee “Internews has supported 32 free and independent local radio stations across the country with the purpose of being independent afghan owned and run local media. The appointment of station managers is made by Afghan boards of management, not Internews, when Internews becomes aware of corruption, or significant missmanagment or any contravention of the agreement we have with stations, Internews will consult with the stations board of management, staff and key community to leaders to identify and rectify problems.” , and Suli Paygham is one of these radio stations established in Khost province “ said Jan McArthur, Internews country director.
Businesses and organizations are part of structure and ownership of media all over the world; but free media function editorially independent of their funders and founders. Wwhen I was skimming through the pages of this radio stations radio Sulai Paygham bylaws, I noticed that in the first page, the first article first, it saysstates that the radio station “is “radio Sulai Paygham is invested in Khost for providing information and entertainment for Khost people, ownership and editorial policies of this radio station Sulai Paygham wouldare be independent of the government. None of the tribes, ethnic groups, political factions, religious and geographical groups willould have editorial control over content. over its editorial”
The Government of Afghanistan government registered this radio station based on it’s existing structure and bylaws and this legimates the bylaws created by the station. By approving the stations structure and bylaws and issuing a radio Sulai Paygham with this article and issued certificate forof broadcasting for the station, meaning the government has recognized the independence of the radio station. It could be argued that wWhen the Ministry of Iminister of information and Cculture or any other government official tries to intervene in station operations or change station content, without legally backed reasons, then this contravenes the laws that do exist in Afghanistan.is threatening the independence of the radio,
The station manager states that it comes contrary to the law. Angahr said “the role of law: one radio can play Quran throughout the day, another radio can play music all day long; as long as they aren’t violating the law. Our radio station Radio Sulai Paygham hhas done nothing contrary to the law, given that whatever we do and whatever we broadcast is up to us” the station manager continued Angahr continued “we are a player in Khost, and lthough there is a state radio, another radio, a TV station. Khost state radio is financially supported by Americans; but we have the audience. International and Afghan organizations deal with us, US ambassador came and did a live interview on our station”
Internews country director, Miss Jan McArthur said “Internews is not in a position to remove the station manager from the station and does not believe there is good reason to remove the station manager from the station. Based on our understanding of the media law we can find no legal reason that might legitimize the government intervening in the management of this station”
The Afghan Media law has a list of media violations. Karim Khuram mentions none of theose in his letter, each of the violations, after the revision by media complaint commission has certain fine. In any case, confiscating or taking the ownership of the radio station is not a fine. According to the minister letter, the protestors are employees of the radio station Sulai Paygham, but the station manager, Angahr, radio manager said there is no grounds for that claim “we have ten full time staff; in addition we have sixteen volunteers or part timers. The protestors might have been part time volunteers at some point. They are not radio employees. Can the minister show any proof, a contract of something?”
Knowledge of MoIC on methods of local conflict and conflict resolution:
Sometime ago a similar protest letter was sent to Foundation for Culture and Civil Society (FCCS). The letter was sent by almost the same civil society groups protesting against the same radio station. Radio Sulai Paygham now. In the letter the process of election for FCCS board in Khost was condemned. I am attaching that same letter. A number of staff at the radio station have raised their concern that the believe the motivation for complaint in the letter to the Minister from some community members is based on There is one share criteria for objection against both radio sulai paygham and FCCS, that is money and financial benefits.
The station manager Angahr referring to his problem with some civil society groups said “you know some peopleAfghans, when they can’t do anything, they don’t want other to do it either. If somebody does something which counts then they say, he got all the money for it”.
I asked Mohammad Saeed Niazi from FCCS about the board election in Khost, he said “those elected says why there is no salary. Those not selected says, the board has all the money. In Afghanistan we can’t feed the starving, but we also can’t tolerate the non-starvings” Niazi added that the board is selected for two years and it’s soon going to be over, with reference to those protesting against the election Niazi said “the two year old board is over, if any one else want to be on the board or want to appoint a new board please come forward, Allah may give you strength”
It’s worth mentioning the current head of the board is Mrs. Saira Shariff, who was later selected to the parliament. This is contrary to the protesters claim who said she can’t win votes.
Conclusion:
In the letter, the minister talks about the removing tof he station manager from a radio station in Khost. Mr. Zahid Shah Angahr as the manager of radio Sulla (peace).However the name he gives to the station could refer to 2 stations, one is Afghan run and owned and one is run by the collation forces. Consequnetly it is not entirely clear by the content of the letter which station he is referring to, we have presumed for the purpose of this article that it is the Afghan owned and run station. There are two possibilities. First, the minister talks about a different radio, called Sulla (peace); which is run by coalition forces. Or the minister doesn’t know the radio station managed by Zahid Shah Angahr is not Sulla (Peace) but radio Sulai Paygham.
In the letter 108 dated 02, 03, 1386 the ministry of information and culture writes to Kabul governor “... administrative changes are the responsibility of the license holder. Unless, the protestors have strong evidence that the radio station is not compliantaisant with media law. In which case, the complaints handling commission would be the authority to help” for your further readings I am copying the letter attached. We are facing two similar cases, i.e. protest of some civil society groups against local radio but the ministry has dual way of dealing with it. Meaning letter1088 orders the removal of the manager and letter 108 talks about compliance with the law, arguing why the ministry cannot interfere with managements of the station..
Letter 108 signed by the minister is coming from the Directorate of Document Registry and Relations while private radio and TV, related issues should be corresponded through general directorate of broadcast, department of media registration. It could be argued that the Minister has issued a letter n other words the minister has smuggled out a letter from the ministry which carriesto impose personal and political agendas, rather than following the objective guidance of the law..inclination.
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