peace jirga

The peace jirga is a great occasion to recite a couple of quotes from Malalai Joya.

Respected friends, over five years passed since the US-led attack on Afghanistan. Probably many of you are not well aware of the current conditions of my country and expect me to list the positive outcomes of the past years since the US invasion. But I am sorry to tell you that Afghanistan is still chained in the fetters of the fundamentalist warlords and is like an unconscious body taking its last breath.

The US government removed the ultra-reactionary and brutal regime of Taliban, but instead of relying on Afghan people, pushed us from the frying pan into the fire and selected its friends from among the most dirty and infamous criminals of the “Northern Alliance”, which is made up of the sworn enemies of democracy and human rights, and are as dark-minded, evil, and cruel as the Taliban.

The Western media talks about democracy and the liberation of Afghanistan, but the US and its allies are engaged in the warlordization, criminalization and drug-lordization of our wounded land.

————————————————————————————–

The gang-rape of young girls and women by warlords belonging to the “Northern Alliance” still continues especially in the northern provinces of Afghanistan. People have staged mass protests a number of times but no one cares about their sorrow and tears. Only a few of the rape cases find their way into the media. One shocking case was that of 11 year old Sanobar, the only daughter of an unfortunate widow who was abducted, raped and then exchanged for a dog by a warlord. In a land where human dignity has no price, the vicious rapist of a poor girl still acts as district chief.

The only protests in Afghanistan the mainstream media reports on are the ones involving the abuse of the Quran or those Muhammed cartoons. Much of the mainstream media does not care to portray Muslims as human beings, who have the same concerns as everyone else. How much attention has Malalai Joya gotten in the mainstream media or from Western feminists? It is because she criticizes both U.S. military actions and the Taliban that she is not well known.

free expression, kamran was released

Kamran was released last night at 07:00. he was handcuffed and foot chained. He was told that NDS is there to ensure his security but they feel sorry for the journalists that they don’t realize it. He was told that he spoke of psychological torture and compared the place with guantanamo, after his first release, while he was well treated the first time, they wanted to show him what guantanamo could be like. One of NDS deputies spoke to him for several hours, using a combination of threat and suggestions. He was told only to write in favor of the government.

Just before Kamran was kidnapped we received a letter from the media complaints commission sent to attorney general and journalist union too. The letter was signed by the minister of information and culture, Khoram.

The commission resolution had more of a consulting tone, and do not outline any violation of the law and requires no apology or any other fine.

However the letter says he would be referred to the court and prosecutor office if any future complain surface.

I don’t think this is a smart statement to make if there is any future problem then the media commission should pick it and resolve it, just like this time. If a journalist is critical he shouldn’t be referred to the court. The commission job is not only to handle soft cases and use the court and prosecutor as a threat.

The letter also doesn’t mention of the five days detention. I think the commission, if it was truly an independent one, should have condemned the detention and should have directed NDS to leave kamran alone.

For a month NDS was spying on kamran and radio salam watandar we brought this issue several times to the attention of the commission and ministry of information and culture but nothing was done about it. journalists shouldn’t be chased and intimidated while conducting their professional work, as a matter of fact everybody has the right to privacy and NDS shouldn’t intrude, aggressively, into public privacy.

We have friends in the parliament, and we have many friends of friends. I think we should bring the media situation to their attention.

I think we should bring kamran’s issue in the general context of free expression to the parliament.

The government has been constantly violating the right to free expression, other cases include the cabinet approved media regulation. According to the civil servant media regulation, government employees are not allowed to talk with media that include, teachers, all civil and military personnel; and interviews in school and universities are ban. Government is basically forbidding hundreds of thousands of people if not millions of free expression. They can’t talk about their work and the incredible corruption surrounding it.

The ministry of information and culture issues letters from time to time telling media how to cover certain incidents. For example media has been told to respect leaders of Islamic republic of Iran and use a careful language when talking about their politics. Why is NDS not taking the minister letter serious, promoting the interests of another country based on their request can fall very good another the category of espionage.

Kamran was arrested

Kamran Mirhazar, (Salam Watandar journalist), has been detained by Afghanistan’s NDS special police again. He was picked up outside the Internews office this morning at 9.20am by 7 plain clothed NDS special police in 3 unmarked vehicles. He was forced into a car at gun point. This is the 2^nd time in one month he has been detained with no reason provided and no legal representation. Most of you are familiar with the previous 5 day detention of Kamran by NDS police. Last time we believe he was released unharmed due to the combined lobbying efforts of the Afghan media, a few Afghan ministers, human rights agencies and a handful of leading international development agencies. Kamran has been living at the Internews office since his last detention due to fear of ongoing surveillance and intimidation by NDS police.

No reason was provided for Kamran’s arrest

Kamran does not have legal representation

Kamran has no mode of communication to anyone

Last time Kamran was detained NDS officers line of questioning focused largely on Kamran’s website Kabul Press http://www.kabulpress.org/ they were concerned that Kamran was funded by a source/agency that was working to undermine the government of Afghanistan.

به خاطر بازداشت دوبارهء "کامران میرهزار"

به نام خداوند آزادی

 

اعلامیه ی اعضای کمیته ی حمایت از "میرهزار"

به خاطر بازداشت دوبارهء "کامران میرهزار"

 

کامران میرهزار، خبرنگار سلام وطندار و سردبیر سایت کابل پرس، امروز ساعت 9:20 صبح، بار دیگر از سوی افراد ناشناسی که لباس ملکی به تن داشتند و خود را کارمندان امنیت ملی معرفی کردند ، از مقابل دفتر کارش بازداشت شد.

 

به گفته ی شاهدان عینی، افرادی که شناسنامه ی امنیت ملی را داشتند، بدون مدرک رسمی، کامران میرهزار را به زور، سوار موتر خود ساختند و به سمت نا معلومی بردند.

 

ریاست عمومی سارنوالی امنیت ملی بر بنیاد مطالعه ی دوسیه ی میرهزار، پس از جریان تحقیق و باز پرسی، دوسیه ی او را یک تخطی رسانه یی خوانده و آن را ضمن آزادی کامران، به کمیسیون تخطی رسانه های همگانی محول نمود.

کمیسیون تخطی رسانه های همگانی به ریاست عبدالکریم خرم، وزیر اطلاعت و فرهنگ، به تاریخ 13 اسد سال جاری با حضور اعضاء و شخص آقای میرهزار تشکیل جلسه داد و پس از ارزیابی و بحث، به تاریخ 16/05/1386، فیصلهء خود را مبنی بر توصیه به سردبیر کابل پرس، صادر نمود.

 

باید گفت که بازداشت این بار کامران میرهزار، همانند دفعهء پیش، غیر قانونی و با جبر و اکراه صورت گرفته است.

 

اعضای کمیته ی حمایت از میرهزار که متشکل از خبرنگاران، نویسنده گان، روشنفکران و اعضای نهادهای جامعه ی مدنی می باشد، ضمن محکومیت بازداشت میرهزار، برخورد نهادهای مسئوول امنیتی و در کلیت دولت را در برابر خبرنگاران، غیر دموکراتیک و خطرناک دانسته، خواهان دانستن دلیل بازداشت و هم چنان رهایی کامران میرهزار می باشند.

قابل تذکر است که تا ساعت3 پس از چاشت امروز پنج شنبه، یعنی حدود 7 ساعت پس از بازداشت کامران میر هزار، نه تنها کمیته ی دفاع از کامران، بلکه، بسا از نهادهای جامعه ی مدنی و دفاتر حقوقی و هم چنان نهادهای سازمان ملل متحد از جمله یوناما، در تلاش شناسایی بازداشت کننده گان و رهایی کامران بوده اند؛ ولی تا هنوز نتیجه ای به دست نیامده است.

باید گفت که نا معلوم بودن وضعیت و چگونگی برخورد با کامران، این نگرانی را ایجاد می کند که تا روشن شدن وضعیت میرهزار، وی اذیت های جسمی و روانی شود.

کمیته ی دفاع از کامران میرهزار، از تمام نهادهای مدنی و مجامع بین المللی، موسسات دفاع از حقوق بشر و دفاع از آزادی بیان درخواست می نماید تا در زمینه ی روشن شدن سرنوشت آقای میرهزار، سعی لازم نموده تا مقامات امنیتی حاضر به رهایی و یا اعلام اتهام علیه موصوف شوند.

 

در غیر آن، ما از مجموع امکانات قانونی به خاطر رهایی و روشن شدن اتهام علیه کامران میرهزار دریغ نخواهیم کرد.

 

با ارات زیاد

اعضای کمیته ی حمایت از میرهزار

 

 

protecting westeners

Today 31^st of July is another day off for foreign aid workers. After the explosion east of Kabul the situation was assessed critical by foreign embassies and NGO security organization. NGOs have recruited security contractors to provide them security and advice. The security contractors have advised four NGOs I managed to get hold to go home for the afternoon and keep low profile.

This is only limited to foreign aid workers and Afghans remain in the offices and are working.

The security contractor assessed the situation not that bad for afghans.

The security contractors are quick when it comes to making decisions about foreigners.

Journalists of an international media organization are being followed by unknown people. The chasers are in plane cloth and have two private cars, while journalists went to ask them who they are and why they are being followed they were treated badly and were told its an issue of national security.

The issue was reported to the media organization management ten days ago and it was repeatedly brought to their attention but no decision has been made yet.

This once again tells us the mission of foreigners in Afghanistan. It’s about them, an organization with 5 foreign employees spend a million dollar on security. This won’t be acceptable anywhere else in the world either.

I have done several stories about security contractors. They are here to protect foreign security. i don’t see much difference between a security contractor and an alqiada fighter, in terms of legal statues. Neither of them could be trailed under Afghan law or any other law. Both have their own agenda, one ideological and not connected to Afghan interest. The other financial and steals Afghan money.

media power - kabul diary

i was just in the ministry of interior affairs, living a day of my life with Afghan bureaucracy.

afghan armed forces and afghan police is a great place to see how power is shared in afghanistan.

Billions of dollars have been invested in armed forces to make them an emblem of national unity and a power to keep the country national but they don't have the slightest character of nationalhood. power is shared along the undemocratic lines. the most powerful is the generals and commanders who are friends with Americans and ally with westerners. The second level of power is connection with the so called leaders, both tribal and mujahideen.

 

five years has passed since the so-called democratic intervention in Afghanistan but the country is undemocratic more than ever and politically corrupt than ever.

its very important to support social causes like radio watandar and other media and civil society representatives, as another power pillar. otherwise old same stuff would happen few people suppressing the rest of the soceity.

 

media hasn't proven yet as another power pillar and there is not yet that direct connection with people.

warlords and political groups have realsed the importance of media and today they have dozens of outlets. this is why internatioanl community has stopped their support for free media.

i think we can pretty much see where this country is going. down the same line it was ten years ago anarchy and warlordism. it's just a matter of time. 

 

 

HIV positive ban

There are sixteen countries with formal ban on HIV positive travelers, but in formally there are many more. A Senegal woman was test by polish authorities for HIV, according to an immigrant support organization. Below is the list of countries with formal ban:

Armenia

Bangladesh

Brunei

China

Iraq

Libya

Moldavia

Oman

Qatar

Russian Federation

Solomon Islands

Saudi Arabia

Sri Lanka

South Korea

Sudan

USA

When traveling to Russia I was made to get an HIV license. I didn’t want anyone to take my blood sample, but it’s a very persuasive document. See my HIV negative certificate ;-) i have delivered this certificate to many other countries and none said NO. this certificate helps anywhere.

HIV-related stigma refers to all unfavorable attitudes, beliefs, and policies directed toward people perceived to have HIV/AIDS as well as toward their significant others and loved ones, close associates, social groups, and communities. Patterns of prejudice, which include devaluing, discounting, discrediting, and discriminating against these groups of people, play into and strengthen existing social inequalities--especially those of gender, sexuality, and race--that are at the root of HIV-related stigma.

The UN decided to have a declaration on this too. The Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS) has developed a protocol for the identification of discrimination against people with HIV/AIDS. I don’t know why the UN doesn’t condemn the above mentioned 16 countries; discrimination is now the official policy of these governments.

paghman

cold shower for boys in paghman, north west of kabul

DESPITE RESERVED

More than one quarter of the 249 seats in Afghanistan’s National Assembly are reserved for women, placing it among the world’s top 20 most gender-balanced legislatures. According to a new report from the Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit, however, this creation of political space for women has not resulted in the substantive representation of their collective gender interests.

The report, titled “A Matter of Interests: Gender and the Politics of Presence in the Wolesi Jirga”, argues that the representation of women’s gender interests in the National Assembly remains minimal. The system of reserving seats for women in Afghanistan’s 2005 legislative elections was widely considered progressive.

Proponents of reserved seats and other quota systems contend that these means of affirmative action are steps to compensate for previously institutionalised inequality and under-representation of certain social groups. Indeed, for Afghanistan’s women, the reserved seat system marked a considerable milestone in the struggle for equal opportunities.

Women parliamentarians, however, have voiced concerns about their status as democratically elected legislators. As a result of the reserved seat system, their presence in parliament is considered by some to be unmerited. As the report’s author Anna Wordsworth observes, “the practice of fast-tracking women into the legislature through affirmative action has affected their perceived legitimacy in office”. General seats, she argues, which are supposedly open to any candidate to contest, have become men’s seats in public perception.

The report identifies the risk that the 68 reserved seats may in fact become a glass ceiling — preventing women from attaining seats above and beyond those reserved for them. Beyond these negative perceptions of reserved seats for women, Wordsworth argues, other factors have contributed significantly to the lack of representation of women’s gender interests in parliament to date. These include the lack of issues-based blocks in the Wolesi Jirga, executive indifference to women’s gender interests, and the nature of international assistance to parliamentarians. “A Matter of Interests” is critical of the current legislative environment and its inability to provide space for women’s gender interests to be raised.

According to Wordsworth, “the substantive representation of women’s gender interests will require the institutional frameworks of solid issues-based groups or parties whose commitment to the representation of these interests is a key element of their policy platforms”.

There are also other measures that can be taken to encourage such representation in the short term. These include the public clarification of the reserved seats system, the harmonisation of legislation on women’s rights, the mainstreaming of gender issues into international training programmes and an increased executive commitment to women’s participation in government.

THE DECISION OF THE LEADERSHIP

the leadership of the Islamic Emirate has decided about the 18 South Korean women and five men:The South Korean and Afghan governments want to free their friends, and we also want to free our friends.
We declare an ultimatum for tomorrow 7:00 am for the South Koreans. If the government does not free 23 Taliban prisoners, these will be the last moments of their lives.

Koreans will also be killed on Saturday if South Korea doesn’t withdraw its 200 troops in Afghanistan.The Koreans will also be executed if the Afghan government fail to release the Taliban prisoners by 7am on Sunday.

from waves of afghan women radio

[Jawad from Kolola Poshta] [Dari]: I have an apartment here in Kolola Poshta. The front side [pavement part] of my apartment is rugged. I wanted to asphalt the area, but the Kabul municipality doesn’t allow me. I have bribed the members of this department with at least US$2000. However, my problem has not been solved so far. I hope that you’ll be able to discuss this problem with the members of the department so that they will soon solve my problem.

[Host/speaker]: If you got a building permission, you would have not faced this problem. By the way, we will invite a member of the Kabul municipality in our programme, and we will give your contact number to him to ask you about the person you gave money to [bribed]. Will you be prepared to help us identify the corrupt official from this department? [The answer was yes].

[Abdul Ahad Tanha, a shopkeeper in Arzan Qimat area] [Pashto]: I scrutinise the clothing habits of the girls. Some days ago, a girl came in our area wearing a skimpy and semi-naked clothes just like the foreigners. We are Afghans and have special clothes to wear. I wish the girls would observe this rule and not copy the foreigners. I hope you’ll be able to invite a member of the Afghan ministry of women’s affairs to answer our questions.

[From Dihsabze area] [Pashto]: The government appropriated my property to construct the Kabul-Jalalabad road without paying us. I call on the government to treat us in a legal manner in this regard.

[no name was said] [Pashto]: I had some matters to take care of at the Afghanistan National Bank. They asked me to come in the afternoon, while they did the job for someone who paid them a bribe. Administrative corruption, from my perspective, speaks louder now than ever in the state administrations. I call on the government to draw further attention to solve this difficulty.

[Pashto]: The oil price has recently risen in Afghanistan. It is a massive problem for poor drivers. How can they provide for their lives if they spend all their money on fuel? We call on the government to take actions to solve this problem.

[a female] [Dari]: We have returned home from Pakistan and now are living in Qara Bagh district of Ghazni province, suffering a lack of school and other social facilities.[Answer from the host]: We have constantly tried our best to make an appointment with the education ministry staff, and have invited them to the programme. However, they refused. We don’t know why. We think that since they have no achievements to offer for our programme, maybe this is why they are not prepared to talk with us.

[From Kampany area of Kabul city] [Pashto]: Most youths are used to stand in the front of female schools throughout Kabul city, teasing the girls. I call on the media to provide feedback for the youths in this regard.

[Amanullah Zai from Bagrami] [Pashto]: The transport hub [bus and taxi station] for Torkham used to be situated in Pul-e Charkhi previously, but the Kabul municipality appropriated a centre in Bagrami area. However, the transportation hub has not moved there so far. This is a problem for drivers of the highway. Can you please discuss our difficulty with the Kabul municipality?

[Sardar Wali from Bot Khak village of Bagrami district of Kabul province] [Pashto]: We have heaps of transportation problems. We are poor people and unable to buy private cars. At the same time, there are no buses to take us to the city. I call on the government to send some buses in this city line as well.

[Dari]: We are four brothers. None of us has married so far, since girls’ families collect large amounts of money from boys. For this reason, we are unable to pay them. I wish the media could prepare some things convincing families not to force the boys to pay for their girls [money].

[Dari]: The commercial court of the Kabul justice system can easily be bribed. It is not possible to do anything without paying bribes in these courts. I hope the Afghan government can take decisive steps to solve this problem.

kabul diary

Little Las Vegas in the north of Kabul, but it’s not intended for gambling. The area is a huge complex of wedding halls, Afghanistan’s most favorite social event. The temptation of holding a luxurious wedding ceremony is one of the reasons which persuade polygamy. The most favorite wedding hall is called Shami Paris, translated as Paris night, an Eiffel tower is erected in the roundabout, decorated with playful lights. There are at least two smaller ones in the garden in front of the wedding hall. The Garden is decorated with a lot of lights. The main building consists of several halls so many ceremonies could take place simultaneously. Shami Paris has numerous stretch limousines for rent. But it’s only rented for center of town. The limousine can’t handle the narrow and bumpy streets outside Kabul center.

Plastic flowers and heavy curtains are hanging on the way to the wedding hall, the floor and stairs are covered with soft rugs. Loud music is shaking the stairways. The tradition is to volume the music so loud that the singer could not be identified. Strong body smell is coming out of the wedding hall. A group of young boys are in the center of hall, dancing and jumping. Others are sitting in circles around their tables, eyeing the boys, some motionless. A wooden partition is dividing the men section from the women, the singer is in the middle, viewable from both men and women part. I joined the dance circle, after hugging all the boys. Strong smell of alcohol, sweet and smoke has filled the air, boys are dancing in two. In most weddings, there is often ‘Attan’ the traditional afghan dance. I like Attan more than the couple dancing. We need to be engaged with others while we are dancing, it’s more pleasant. While you are engaged with a group it’s more fun. Also dancing in two, especially when it’s two boys, is kind of annoying me. I like homosexuals, but I can’t stand them when they are not getting enough sex. As a matter of fact they get annoying. These boys are not gay, they are just acting. Not being gay and just acting gay is not cool. Can’t imagine what is going on the other side of the curtain, women crossing legs and dancing, rubbing their gentles on each other legs, I guessJ From time to time you either get pulled or shoved to join the dance group.

After dinner, everybody went outside. The all was empty, the theory is to get a hike, supposedly it’s good for digestion. The waiters came to clear the tables; there is a lot of left over. The guy dropping plates into a large tray, dessert was getting mixed with stew and so on. I asked what he does with the left over, it’s a lot. He said, the staff takes it home only if it’s clean; clean means, if it’s not touch or mixed. I told him the way he is gathering, it won’t be clean. In a city where one out of four is not getting food and almost everybody is not having a good diet, it’s a bummer to waste. He gave me a suspicious look. we do things the way we do, ideas really don’t get through to people here.

Earlier I went to see the minister for information and culture. just by his behavior, he could be anything but the minister for information and culture. he is taking small but wide steps don’t know if it’s his culture of walking or he still suffer from his injuries. Last month he narrowly escaped a suicide attack which ripped through his armor car.
A group of people representative came to see him, around 50 people, the appointment was at 1130 but he came at 1230. a group of aggressive security is surrounding him. He changed the room for meeting. I was trying to hide from him, I have been very critical of him. I was told by his advisor that the way I am pursuing is not helping anyone. in the meeting there is also his deputy, the former deputy for ministry of commerce, he was involved in a corruption case, ten million dollar was stolen from public property. Few days ago he wrote to me, claiming I was slandering and had no proof. He shut up after I sent him a report by a special committee of national security prosecutor. the minister and his deputy were giving me bad looks.
The minister only spoke for five minutes and he left. He basically said, “the communists proved wrong, so did the Taliban. In the last few years, parallel to our government has been NGOs and they have proved to be corrupt. Now foreigners have introduced a new concept radio and TV stations. Freedom of expression is another tool to make us fight each other.” He said a few other sentences similar to this. I was shocked. Later in the evening the meeting was on state TV with the above clip of the minister. He doesn’t hate TV, he hates when other people express themselves. He likes state TV where people like him could say whatever they want and they never want state TV to be a public broadcasters.

Natalie and Morgan are two western girls working in the same office with me. but they work upstairs, I am downstairs with my 30 afghan staff. They only come down when there is an occasion e.g. when they joined Internews. We work together but we have nothing in common. We work from 0700 to 1700, six days a week, as journalists should do in a country like Afghanistan. ‘they’ work from 1000 to 1600, five days a week. They live in barb wired compounds and they have their own social gatherings. They think, they are not welcomed to Afghan society, that is what I have heard, if not why would they be here and not live the Afghan way. “I am ashamed to go with them anywhere and we get the blame for them” said hashimi, after the meeting with the minister. “the minister is right about the NGOs” said Ellahi. “we all work for NGOs” said Morgan. She can’t differentiate between NGO reporting officer and journalist. “Let’s go to a restaurant and see what we should do about the minister” said Natalie, this is a very typical NGO phrase. They want a pretext to go to a restaurant for ‘brainstorming’. “tell me what is the situation with Qarabagh radio station?” asked morgan. “spare me brother, this issue has been dragging for over a year and yet you don’t know what happened” I said in farsi. Mujeeb took a sigh.

“What is the minister like?” asked Natalie, “he is an ex western spy, he used to work for French intelligence in the south. He doesn’t like free expression, as you should have guessed from what he said today” I said. Natalie had her strawberry smoothie and then she said “we should come up with a strategy” I smiled and said in farsi “how dare you, you didn’t know who he was and you don’t know what the issue is and you want to make a plan” ellahi and tawhidi laughed. “Lets meet him next week and engage him” obviously these westerners has no idea. We have been campaigning for a year to replace him. By we I mean afghan media and civil society. They always have new plans. They think if we think positive we can do it. I hope so.
I was thinking to organize a session with westerners. My Afghan colleagues have a lot in their hearth and when westerners are not around, they bring it out. I think we should talk. People are afraid to lose their job. I think we should talk even if it takes that. Afghans should be polite, diplomatic but firm and express their grievances.

korean hostages

I have received a letter from a Korean journalist. I would like to share this with you and see what you think.

> Salam, Jouno friends!!! > > It's Lee, a Korean journalist missing you guys and hospitable afghans, > here in Beirut Lebanon. > What a shocking news it is that some 21 koreans, who belong to the > 'Hilal' hospital-runned NGO in Kandahar, were abducted yesterday.

Taliban threaten to kill 18 Koreans, including 15 women, unless Seoul pulls out its 200 troops from Afghanistan, underscoring the militia's use of soft targets to weaken President Hamid Karzai's government.
In the largest-scale abduction of foreigners since the fall of the Taliban regime in 2001, the South Koreans were kidnapped at gunpoint from a bus in Ghazni province's Qarabagh district on Thursday as they traveled on the main highway from Kabul to the southern city of Kandahar.
The South Korean Foreign Ministry confirmed the abduction of 21 Koreans, including 16 women, according to Yonhap
The discrepancy in figures could not be immediately clarified.

> As I do keep clear pictures of 'Hilal hospital' in Kandahar (in my mind), > where ive seen a lot afghan women patients and korean doctors, afghan > doctor, afghan nurses...in harmony, I myself feel very aweful and thinking > it could be a blast to those all. So sad in fact.

Outmatched by foreign troops, the Taliban often resorts to kidnapping civilians caught traveling on treacherous roads, particularly in the country's south, where the insurgency is raging.
The tactic hurts Karzai's government by discouraging foreigners involved in reconstruction projects from venturing outside big towns and into remote areas where their help is most needed.
South Korea's Yonhap news agency reported that the hostages were members of the Saemmul Community Church in Bundang, just south of the South Korean capital, Seoul, who had entered Afghanistan on July 13 for volunteer work and were planning to return home on Monday.

> Although the hospital is sponsored by a very 'name valuable' korean > church, they never intended to preach religion thing, rather they do very > respect the local culture, religion, thoughts of people there and all > people. As we're all equal human beings, it's a must.

Some 1,200 Christians, including hundreds of South Korean children, reportedly traveled to Afghanistan last summer.
"They are young Korean Christians who were engaged in short-term evangelistic activity and service for children in Kandahar," said Joseph Park, mission director of the Christian Council of Korea.
Oh Soo-In, a senior church administer at Saemmul Community Church, said the captured church group are in their 20s and 30s, as reported by AFP

> Just this 'helpless woman' currently far distanced, appeal you > journalists that...> > Please, you do contact with Taliban movement, spokesperson to remind them > > > 1) "this brings absolutely negative effect to their movement and afghan > society as a whole" 2) "Majority of S.Koreans oppose those foreign troops' > agression as Talibs do" This is a FACT.> 3) And those abducted are purely of help for Afghan friends and want to be > friends and they are innocent.
the South Korean government has urged Christian groups and other Koreans to get out of the country and return home as it works to secure the release of the Christian hostages.
> I do remember our journalist friend, Mr.Ajmal, whose case was totally > unjustifiable to any of us. > Let's do out best to avoid this kind of series in our circle. > I believe many of you could do some effective role for this case with > your article, with your relations with Talibs, convincing them to release > those innocents.

I am wondering what we could exactly do here to help?

> Another blast from this case to me is that > S.Korea government seems to request all afghan embassy abroad > "NOT TO ISSUE VISA FOR KOREAN NATIONALS" as they did for Iraq entrance > (for even journalist). I was going to be back Afghanistan coming early sep. > So, this is a blast to me as well. I really miss there to do more stories > from there field. > I wish you all the best!!! > in Peace > Lee (+ 961 70 82 05 71 in Lebanon)

Dancing with the shadow

Dancing with the shadow
Complying companion
I here I come, I hear I jump
Harmonious mover quick shaker
good friend, not missing one gesture.
Never noticed you before
Lost you,
Clouds are blocking the moon
Only the dark ones
Signaling rain, party over
Shadow a companion which doesn’t sweat
Trying made me wet all over,
The dog is leaping
Hoping to catch up with the shadow
Poor dogs, have to imitate their shadows
The soulless, soundless but animated
Venus, Jupiter, mars blinking
Waiting for the moon back
The wind wipes the cloud off the moon face
Let be this the last line
The sky shatters,
Blue light shows the horizon
The roar followed
A slow companion
Not quite a shadow
The lightening danced out
The roar moaned to catch up
The clouds building shapes
Moon comes through a triangular window
Venus is in the key hole
Barking dog calls on the lightening

TALIBAN TO HAND OVER COMMAND OF THEIR TROOPS

The armed Taliban leaders held a session in Kota, capital of Baluchistan, and decided that they will hand over the leadership of their troops in Afghanistan to foreigners.According to the report, the armed Taliban council leaders held a session in the capital of Baluchistan, Kota, two weeks ago and decided that the command of the Taliban troops would be handed over to the foreigners in Afghanistan.This time, papers have been published in Marja, Nad Ali and a number of other areas of Helmand province by the Taliban.

These papers were written on computers and then [photo]copied. The Taliban of the southwest seriously condemned the meeting in Koti and stated that if in fact the leadership of the Taliban was to be handed over to foreigners like Arabs, Chechens, Panjabis and Uzbek warlords, then they would leave the Taliban […].A tribal elder of Helmand province who declined to give his name told Azadi Radio that the commanders of Helmand province also seriously condemn the programme of Mullah Mohammad Omar and don’t accept the leadership of foreigners.

He said that the Taliban members would fight against the Americans and other foreigners until they breathed their last breath. He said that the decision of the Taliban council leaders in Kota was incorrect and stated that Mullah Mohammad Omar must know that Pashtuns don’t want to be slaves.

According to the Taliban, death is better for them than accepting the leadership of foreigners like Arabs, Uzbeks, Chechens and others, and that even it is not clear whether Uzbeks and Chechens are Muslims or not.On the other hand, the Taliban spokesman Qari Yousuf Ahmadi said that this report was propaganda, but didn’t give further details in this regard.

TALIBAN TO HAND OVER COMMAND OF THEIR TROOPS

The armed Taliban leaders held a session in Kota, capital of Baluchistan, and decided that they will hand over the leadership of their troops in Afghanistan to foreigners.According to the report, the armed Taliban council leaders held a session in the capital of Baluchistan, Kota, two weeks ago and decided that the command of the Taliban troops would be handed over to the foreigners in Afghanistan.This time, papers have been published in Marja, Nad Ali and a number of other areas of Helmand province by the Taliban.
These papers were written on computers and then [photo]copied. The Taliban of the southwest seriously condemned the meeting in Koti and stated that if in fact the leadership of the Taliban was to be handed over to foreigners like Arabs, Chechens, Panjabis and Uzbek warlords, then they would leave the Taliban […].A tribal elder of Helmand province who declined to give his name told Azadi Radio that the commanders of Helmand province also seriously condemn the programme of Mullah Mohammad Omar and don’t accept the leadership of foreigners.
He said that the Taliban members would fight against the Americans and other foreigners until they breathed their last breath. He said that the decision of the Taliban council leaders in Kota was incorrect and stated that Mullah Mohammad Omar must know that Pashtuns don’t want to be slaves.
According to the Taliban, death is better for them than accepting the leadership of foreigners like Arabs, Uzbeks, Chechens and others, and that even it is not clear whether Uzbeks and Chechens are Muslims or not.On the other hand, the Taliban spokesman Qari Yousuf Ahmadi said that this report was propaganda, but didn’t give further details in this regard.

Weblog: New forum for free expression in Afghanistan

Weblogs are a place where journalists could publish evidence of corruption, crimes and lies of politicians and for Afghans writers to express how they feel about things which influence their lives. Radio and TV stations are under pressure by the Afghan government and it gets harder for people to tell how their country is run and how the people they elect lives to promise. Weblogs are a new place where authors try to voice or find resolution to their problem, state radio and TV is in the hands of ministry of information and culture and it’s filled with a bunch of lies and bluffs that the government want people to think is true.

Western weblogs have made it so easy to publish a story that even an Afghan older generation who knows little about HTML can have a say on the internet. Jawid Farhad is an Afghan writer “I have my own place on the internet now, it has been almost a month. I am probably the first of my generation who is on the internet” Farhad posts his poems and articles only by choosing web page templates and clicking the publish button. But there are challenges too, Abdullah Khodadad and Baktash Siawash, two young bloggers are trying to set up a weblog service for Afghanistan, none exists yet “most of Afghan weblogs are on Blogfa or Persianblog. These providers are funded by Iranian government and they have control over it” said Abdullah. Baktash is one of the most consistent bloggers, he writes several times a week “there are certain things that you can’t write about, I have seen Iranians filtering some articles” Naseem Fikrat has his own domain. Naseem has also set up Afghan Penlog, a forum where he attempts to bring afghan bloggers together, as part of an attempt to bring Afghan bloggers together and enable them to counter filtering. Omar Nassir is an Afghan Diaspora in Russia; omar has set up Farsi.ru in Russian, Faris and English, aiming to provide information for Afghans in Russia and to build a singular image of Afghanistan among Russians. His website is one of the most celebrated media outlets, focusing on Afghanistan in Russia. Many Russian organizations have contacted him to see if they could collaborate, omar is now seeking reporters and partners in Afghanistan.

Internet providers are also under pressure to censor weblogs. Government offices, NGOs and UN offices has filtering policies, the ministry of foreign affairs, ministry of communication and ministry of information and culture has imposed temporary or permanent censorship on weblogs, this has been for publishing a critical article or evidence. An Afghan weblogger working with NATO, who wanted to remain anonymous, said “the nature of my job requires traveling around the country and I see and experience things that I feel I should share with others. But like many other Afghan webloggers I don’t name my organisation. I don’t name co-workers or bosses. I don’t say where my work station is. But I think some of my coworkers are aware of my blog. With the worsening security situation in the country and increased civilian causalities and public skepticism to NATO, there is a lot for me to write. Unfortunately, my employer decided to block weblog providers” the mentioned weblogger is often working in military basis in remote mountains and deserts of Afghanistan and has no way to access the internet except through office internet.

Many blogger has no journalism experience and there are no laws in the country which apply to them. There are complaints from officials about blogs and it’s getting more and more, Kamran mirhazar, an anti corruption blogger was jailed for five days for the content of his weblog. In the lack of media freedom officials could intimidate bloggers through security agencies. Kamran was held by secret police while in the light of democratic laws such a case should be handled by media commission.
Internet access is still very limited in Afghanistan, one out of every 1000 afghan has access to internet, this is another reason why afghan blogger think as if they are not very visible, assuming that because what they write appears in a virtual world, but we have seen their critics come back to them in the real world.

Naseem Fikrat an Afghan blogger did a survey of Afghan blogs “there are around a thousand Afghan bloggers, but it’s really hard to estimate the correct figures because they are using different blog providers” Naseem said “People write blogs to talk about their day, work, literature, poetry, curroption and politics.” Naseem added. But it’s not easy for an employee to express his view about the above; it takes the employer only the search engine to find out “Last few months has witness a dramatic increase in the number of weblogs” said Kamran Mirhazar editor of Kabul press.

Bloggers can’t totally escape censorship, bloggers also have their enemies; in this case the enemy is not only the government but many others. Unlike radio and TV weblogs has smaller enemies which are more proximate and more dangerous. Bloggers are censored by the government as well as employer and internet provider. “there is a long way to go, we need legal protection, there are no laws in place to protect webloggers” said Kamran Mirhazar.

Habib Farhadi published some documents on the internet showing fraud and deception in the educational background of a senior Karzai advisor. The ministry of communication filtered the blog. When I brought up the issue with the minister of communication, Amirzai Sangin “how do you know about the blog?” he asked surprisingly. “the direction came from the government. The blog has false information and is defamatory” he added. Amirzai sangin was questioned in a parliamentary hearing, when and why he changed his name, the MP alleged that his real name is Shirin gul. but Sangin choose not to answer.

Bloggers are generally obligated to publish as facts only topics they have proof for. Kamran Mirahzar is gathering evidence for media commission to support some of the critical articles he has on his website. Free expression and the internet could be tricky, especially when those views relate to personal experience.
Blogger can say “women and children are among casualties in Musa Qala” But it's another thing to say “Michail Wood, a british soldier under Nato command, shot dead three women”

Jestem terrorystą

Jestem terrorystą…. Jestem terrorystą na własny użytek…. Posługuję się taktykami terrorystycznymi, aby samemu się przerazić i w ten sposób sabotować własny rozwój. W ten sposób jako terrorysta często nigdy nie osiągam celów, które chciałbym osiągnąć i mogę osiągnąć z łatwością. Jak dotąd nawet nie rozumiem na czym polega błąd.
A więc jako formę terroryzmu na własny użytek praktykuję? Obawiam się porażki, chociaż jestem bardzo skuteczny, jestem pierwszy, gdy trzeba pomóc innym. Chętnie rozmawiam godzinami o moich sąsiadach lub zachowaniu kierowcy autobusu lub piekarza. Z przyzwyczajenia mam potrzebę codziennego odwiedzania moich przyjaciół i krewnych. Oddawanie części mojego majątku biednym jest moim ścisłym obowiązkiem religijnym bez względu na to czy oni na to zasługują czy nie, ostatecznie ten system dystrybucji nie został przecież określony przeze mnie.
Na tym się nie kończy. Są też inne zasady moralne w społeczeństwie. Jestem ściśle zobowiązany do gościnności, hojności, agresji, ochrony mojej żony, siostry i matki.
Ciągle terroryzuję się uczuciami innych ludzi i staram się, aby te ich oczekiwane uczucia były na pierwszym miejscu. Im bardziej staram się być lepszy, tym bardziej poważa mnie społeczeństwo. Czy jestem męczennikiem ponieważ od zawsze żyję dla innych i dzięki temu unikam bolesnych sytuacji i jestem postrzegany przez innych jako dobry człowiek? Ja nawet nie wiem jak cieszyć się sobą jeśli nie robię czegoś dla innych. W gruncie rzeczy nie wiem czy jest cokolwiek, co mógłbym dla siebie zrobić. Zaczynam odczuwać zawstydzenie moim samolubstwem ile razy robię coś na co mam ochotę, a nawet to nie wystarcza i moralny porządek społeczeństwa powoduje, że nie tylko uważam się wtedy za egoistę, ale i za ofiarę terroru.

Mój paniczny strach zaczął się dawno temu, gdy byłem dzieciakiem; gdy byłem małym chłopcem. Gdy miałem sześć czy siedem lat, utraciłem coś bardzo ważnego. Nie wiedziałem wtedy, że to straciłem, nie wiedziałem nawet, że to było, i minęło wiele czasu zanim zdałem sobie z tego sprawę. A właśnie wtedy straciłem moją matkę. Nie wiedziałem wtedy, że odeszła, bo ciągle była obok. Jednak straciłem ją, ponieważ przestała być moją mamą. Stała się hafciarką. Tradycyjnie w naszych rodzinach dziewczyna nie może wyjść za mąż zanim nie nauczy się haftować i szyć, i mama w każdej rodzinie to umie. Moja mama musiała haftować, dzięki temu mogła sprzedawać swoje wyroby panu Agha Badar, który mieszkał po drugiej stronie ulicy. Pan Agha Badar był wysokim mężczyzną z długą brodą i jasną cerą. Pochodził z Kandaharu.
Pan Agha Badar miał duży złoty sygnet z mieniącym się brylantem i żółty zegarek na ręce. Zawsze uwielbiałem wbiegać do jego sklepu, żeby zapytać o godzinę. Pan Agha Badar był właścicielem jedynego zegarka przy mojej ulicy i wszyscy przychodzili do niego, żeby dowiedzieć się, która godzina.
Gdy bawiłem się z chłopcami na ulicy słuchałem pogłosek o tym, że prowadził za granicą wielkie interesy i wymieniał nasze hafty za obcą walutę. To były tylko plotki, a ja wiedziałem z pewnością, że moja mama zawsze chwaliła go jako osobę wielce szanowaną, która zawsze pomaga innym i nie dba o własne dobro i wygody. Pamiętam jak moja mama mówiła, że pan Agha Badar ma wystarczające środki na własne utrzymanie i nie musiałby pracować, ale wybrał pomaganie innym.

Moja mama nie miała pieniędzy na kupno materiałów i narzędzi na użytek jej własnego warsztatu hafciarskiego, co umożliwiłoby sprzedaż za wyższą cenę. Nawet gdyby miała pieniądze to w okolicy naszej wsi trudno byłoby jej znaleźć odpowiednie surowce i narzędzia. Tak więc pan Agha Badar był dobrym człowiekiem, ponieważ dostarczał narzędzi i materiałów oraz pewny rynek zbytu wyrobów haftowanych. Składał też ciągle zamówienia na coraz więcej i więcej materiałów haftowanych, co tydzień dostarczał też wzory i kolory jakie były mu potrzebne. W zamian kupował towar za pół ceny.

Słyszałem również, że cudzoziemcy lubili nosić ręcznie haftowane ubrania z Afganistanu. Nigdy nie rozumiałem „dlaczego?”. Najwidoczniej uważali, że jest to modne. To wprowadzało mnie w jeszcze większe zakłopotanie; myślałem, że to była tradycja mojej wioski i jest to modne jedynie u nas. Pewnego dnia gdy tak pomyślałem pobiegłem do domu zapytać się o to mojej mamy.

- Mamo, czy hafciarstwo jest tradycją naszej wioski ?
- Oczywiście, że jest. Dlatego wiem jak to robić i dlatego wie to każda kobieta w wiosce.
- Czy wobec tego mogę dostać nowy wyhaftowany strój?
- Pewnego dnia wyhaftuję go dla ciebie.
-Czy mógłbym otrzymać ten nad którym teraz pracujesz?
- Nie, ten nie jest dla ciebie. Ten strój robię dla wsi.

Wkrótce dowiedziałem się, że moja mama nigdy nie będzie w stanie nic dla mnie wyhaftować; była zbyt zajęta szyciem dla pana Agha Badar. Siedziała szyjąc przy migoczącej lampce oliwnej do północy. Rankiem jej nos i oczy były czarne jak komin fabryki. Tak wyglądali też inni domownicy. W długie zimowe wieczory zamykaliśmy wszystkie otwory domu, żeby ochronić się przed przenikliwym zimnem. W pewnym sensie ciemny, gęsty dym był zbawienny, utrzymywał ciepło, ale następnego dnia byliśmy czarni.
W lecie było lepiej; moja mama siadywała na dachu w blasku księżyca i szyła przez większą część nocy. W ten sposób mogła zaoszczędzić oliwy do gotowania. Jednak prawie nie pamiętam, żebyśmy jedli jakiekolwiek ciepłe jedzenie, przede wszystkim mama nie miała czasu na gotowanie, i za każdy razem gdy prosiłem ją o jedzenie mówiła mi, że we wsi nie ma możliwości gotowania. Tak więc wszystko co jadłem to głównie chleb, wieczorami z dzikim czosnkiem w solonej gorącej wodzie.
Od czasu do czasu myślałem o haftowanych strojach i o ludziach, którzy będą je nosić. Zastanawiałem się co robią i czy w ogóle ich obchodzi kto zrobił ich modne ubrania.

Moja mama zaczęła haftować po śmierci mojego ojca. Gdy odszedł musiała utrzymać naszą rodzinę.
Pewnego dnia czterech mężczyzn przyniosło do naszego domu łóżko przykryte białym, czystym prześcieradłem, jak tylko moja mama to zobaczyła wiedziała co się stało, zaczęła głośno płakać, łapała się za włosy i wyrywała je, nigdy nie widziałem jej wcześniej w stanie takiego wzburzenia. Zaczęli do nas przychodzić sąsiedzi i przy każdych odwiedzinach moja mama musiała powtarzać te same udręki. Musiała przejść przez cały rytuał głębokiego bólu i napięcia. Ku mojemu kompletnemu zaskoczeniu wszyscy sąsiedzi przyłączali się do mojej mamy. Wyglądało to jakby cała wioska była nauczona w jaki sposób mają się głęboko martwić i jak pomóc innym stać się smutnym poprzez rozprzestrzenienie ich cierpień. Najpierw myślałem, że śmierć ojca oznacza, że odszedł gdzieś na długi, głęboki, czysty sen; zwłaszcza gdy zobaczyłem mężczyzn, którzy wyprowadzali go na tym samym łóżku z białym prześcieradłem i dodatkowo kilkoma czerwonymi tulipanami.

Po kilku miesiącach zdałem sobie sprawę, że nikt w całej wiosce nawet nie próbuje zakończyć żałoby i również moja matka nie zamierza powrócić do zwykłego życia. W gruncie rzeczy ona sama i wszyscy inni chcieli, żeby była smutna i to był najlepszy sposób okazania jak bardzo zależało jej na moim tacie. Wątpię czy mój tata chciał zniszczyć psychicznie moją mamę z powodu swojej fizycznej śmierci. Czasem sadzę, że coś odziedziczyłem po mojej mamie: chęć poświęcania moich pragnień po to aby wyjść naprzeciw oczekiwaniom innych.
W mojej społecznie mocno rozwarstwionej wiosce ze znikomymi szansami na zmianę pozycji społecznej, kiedy należy być w żałobie, to trzeba to robić tak jak chce wioska, nie ma innych sposobów, kodeks praw i obowiązków służy wsi, służy też przynajmniej trzymaniu na wodzy nadużyć, powoduje, że skutki dominacji są mniej uciążliwe. Nie byłem pewny czyjej dominacji służy zachowanie mojej mamy. Może pan Agha Badar miał z tego korzyść. Może korzystali wszyscy mężczyźni w wiosce.
Byłem przygnębiony gdy zrozumiałem , że moja mama nie ma możliwości wydostać się z tej sytuacji; i postawić kwestię wioski w sposób bardziej fundamentalny. Dla mojej mamy niewyobrażalne było podjęcie pertraktacji z panem Agha Badar. Kwestia potrzeb i interesów nie może być otwarcie przedstawiona w mojej wiosce.

Wydaje się, że w mojej wiosce w wielu sytuacjach ludzie odwołują się do retoryki moralistycznej na temat tego, co powinni zrobić w stosunku do innych, wtedy gdy możnaby bez żadnego problemu porozmawiać z tymi innymi o tym, czego naprawdę chcą.

Potem widziałem coraz więcej i więcej mężczyzn z mojej wioski, którzy odchodzili w sen wynoszeni na łóżkach z białymi prześcieradłami i czerwonymi tulipanami. Ten sam rytuał opłakiwania był ciągle i od nowa powtarzany. Po jego spełnieniu życie kobiet ulegało całkowitej zmianie; przekształcały się w istoty przygnębione. Byłem naprawdę zaskoczony , że w okresie żałoby każda reagowała tak samo na stratę swoich najukochańszych. Później doszedłem do tego, że jeśli te kobiety dalej żyłyby swoim życiem i na swój własny sposób radziły sobie z kryzysem to wioska nie mogłaby tego tolerować- nie było wystarczająco dużo przestrzeni, aby każdy mógł być sobą. Zacząłem rozumieć, na czy polega rzeczywistość ładu moralnego.
Wraz z dorastaniem moje myślenie ewoluowało. Najpierw sądziłem, że mój tata zasnął, potem byłem przekonany, że jest w tajnym miejscu, następnie pragnąłem wierzyć , że połączył się ze swoją duszą i jest w innym równoległym świecie, a w końcu pogodziłem się z końcem jego fizycznej egzystencji. Jednak jest to niesamowite, że każdy w wiosce, niezależnie w jakim byłby wieku uważał, że mój tata żyje teraz w świecie aniołów.

Wraz z rosnącą w mojej wiosce liczbą zgonów, coraz więcej kobiet musiało zajmować się haftowaniem aby utrzymać swoje rodziny. Było już więcej ubrań niż pan Agha Badar mógł sprzedać bogatym cudzoziemcom, pewnego dnia pan Agha Badar stwierdził, że cudzoziemcy nie chcą ich kupować za zwyczajową cenę i musiał ją obniżyć. Na początku wszyscy się zasmucili, ale zaczęli przyzwyczajać się do nowych cen, jednak pan Agha Badar płacił coraz mniej i mniej; i pewnego dnia każdy postanowił zrezygnować z hafciarstwa, ponieważ nie mogli dostatecznie zarobić. Zamiast tego zaczęli tkać dywany. Moja mama znowu zaczęła zarabiać więcej pieniędzy. Jednak nie minęło wiele czasu, a także dywany przestały się opłacać. Pan Agha Badar mówił, że cudzoziemcy nadal lubią nasze dywany, ale dywanów nie mogą nabywać codziennie.

Pewnego dnia moja mama chciała ze mną porozmawiać. Siedzieliśmy w naszym ogrodzie. Trzęsły się jej ręce, jej oczy były płaskie i wodniste, była blada, jej policzki straciły rumieńce, zakrywała swoją głowę bardzo starą chustą. Zaczęła do mnie mówić: „wiesz , że jestem już stara, nie mogą dłużej haftować ani tkać. Tracę wzrok, moje ręce nie są już sprawne. A jednak ciągle muszę zapewnić dla nas jedzenie.”

Wyglądała na naprawdę wycieńczoną i starą, chociaż moja mama nie była stara, miała siedemnaście lat gdy wyszła za mąż, a to było dwanaście lat temu. Zaczęła wątpić w to, że panuje jeszcze nad swoją trudną sytuacją, okazywała więcej emocjonalnego wzburzenia niż kiedykolwiek przedtem; więcej niż wtedy, gdy wierzyła, że wszystko niedługo się skończy. Śmierć mojego taty i utrzymywanie rodziny spowodowały, że moja mama musiała stawić czoła trudnej sytuacji życiowej i doświadczyć ogromnego szoku, w wyniku którego życie stało się znacznie mniej znośne niż poprzednio.

Poprosiła mnie, żebym znalazł sobie pracę i pomógł jej utrzymywać rodzinę.
To był dzień w którym moja matka stała się moją córką, o którą musiałem się troszczyć i ponosić za nią odpowiedzialność. To oznaczało, że musiałem być bardzo stary, niemal tak stary jak król Zahir Shah, który również miał córki. Musiałem też opiekować się młodziutkim małym chłopcem. Oczywiście wcale nie chciałem być starym mężczyzną, ponieważ napawało mnie to niepokojem. Jednak stałem się dwoma osobami w jednej, młodziutkim małym chłopcem, który tęsknił do mamy i starym małym chłopcem troszczącym się o swoją matkę-córkę.

Nie miałem żadnych umiejętności ani pomysłu co mógłbym robić, jedyne co miałem, to błogosławieństwo mojej mamy, a ona życzyła mi pogodniejszego ducha, prostszych myśli, większej miłości, więcej ufności w nadziei, większego ognia wiary i więcej pokory.

Wioska wychowywała nową generację powojennych nastolatków, których ojcowie zginęli w boju a matki umarły w swoich jakże żywych ciałach. Pewne zmiany w kulturze wioskowej przyszły w odpowiedzi na przemiany i destrukcję upraw i systemu irygacyjnego, zahartowanie mieszkańców oraz odkrycie i przyswojenie niektórych nowych technik pracy fizycznej, na przykład tkania dywanów. Na tym się nie kończyło; powietrze w wiosce było wypełnione dymem wojny a pomieszczenia były czarne, wypełnione gęstym dymem lampki oliwnej i smutku.

Nastolatkowie postanowili odnowić uprawy i powrócić do warunków życia ojców sprzed wojny. Ale na krótką metę to było niemożliwe, aby przeżyć nastolatkowie zaczęli uprawiać mak. Wprowadził to pan Agha Badar, powiedział, że cudzoziemcy będą go kupować za wyższe ceny, nie tak jak w przypadku wyrobów haftowanych czy dywanów. Rynek heroiny nie da się nasycić, ponieważ jest na nią ciągle coraz więcej i więcej zapotrzebowania. Uprawa maku stała się jedyną podstawą świata społecznego. Tworzyła ramy nadające sens powszechnie podzielanym opiniom; jedyną drogą rozwoju rolnictwa i przetrwania. Wszystkie praktyki społeczne, zarówno te opisywane jako mające głównie instrumentalne funkcje (takie jak przygotowywanie jedzenia i schronienia) jak i te mające głównie funkcję ekspresyjną (takie jak muzyka czy opowiadanie historii) wspólnie pasowały do jednego wzoru. Symboliczna struktura mitu i religii pomagała zaakceptować w codziennym życiu strach, napięcia i sprzeczności związane z uprawą maku. Potem sama interpretacja przestała wystarczać i moja wioska odwołując się do mitu religijnego zaczęła propagować otwarte wyrażanie uczuć. Nadwrażliwość uczuciowa zastąpiła inne instrumenty ekspresji, takie jak muzyka i opowiadanie historii. Ta wrażliwość doprowadziła do wprowadzenia zakazu muzyki w mojej wiosce. W tym czasie terror zagnieździł się już w nas głęboko; nie byłem jedynym terrorystą w mojej wiosce. Wszyscy podzielaliśmy tę samą wiarę, a terror przestał być sprawą osobistą. Zaczęliśmy się nawzajem terroryzować. Wioskowa kontrola stała się kolektywną zasadą i odpowiedzialnością; podstawową sankcją za niewłaściwe działanie był wstyd, publiczna utrata twarzy. Nie przyswoiliśmy żadnego poczucia powinności. Kara stała się działaniem zbiorowym na rzecz pozbawienia godności ludzkiej osoby obwinianej.

a poem for pushkin

Seek of death in love of honor

To shelter her, all close and cozy no choice is left rather than the dwell
"'Go forth,' said Love
Natalya’s trysting tree by the glimmer shadow of d'Anthès
But She is glad,
Water the greedy rose with thee blood
But, natalya she means more than love to me
though rumors had her with d’anthes
But she will remember me
Even till the day she die.
So gave I Love the lie.

Looking at the black river
Pushkin speaking to me:
'Oh, stranger, be mute;
Let that one name be dead
Both d’Anthes and Natalya
That memory flown and fled,
That lure, some call love
It kills, both its presence and lack
Go forth! stranger
With thee mind clear of such thoughts
Dead blossoms of love
Blown from the sunless land.

Pushkin said:
I owe natalya, the memory of love,
Which came in place of death,
A common thought was
‘where will fate send death to me? In battle, in my travels, or on the seas? Or will the neighbouring valley Receive my chilled ashes?’

Natalya, when she win a smile from me,
She fancy I forget.
Honor reminded me the death
‘I say to myself: the years are fleeting, And however many there seem to be, We must all go under the eternal vault, And someone's hour is already at hand’

aristocrat take you for a mad
Depressed and obsessed,
‘They hint that I am not the blessed’
But heed not what they say.
perhaps, they struggles with
ever lasting bubble

Pakistan Is Going Down the Road of the Shah's Iran

The Bush administration has blown chances to capture or kill Osama bin Laden, to win wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, and now to have any chance of maintaining a stable nuclear-armed Pakistan. Like U.S. policy toward the shah's Iran in the 1960s and 1970s, the Bush administration, despite a rhetorical commitment to spread democracy around the world, has put all of its eggs in the basket of an autocrat unlikely to survive – in this case, Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf. Although Musharraf uses the U.S. war on terror and desire to get bin Laden to play the United States like a fiddle, the Bush administration's reasoning is that alternatives to Musharraf are worse. If the United States keeps solidly backing Musharraf, however, things could get much worse than even bin Laden using Pakistan as a haven: a nuclear-armed Pakistan controlled by radical Islamists. Unfortunately, Pakistan probably has already been "lost," and U.S. policy has played an important role in its demise. U.S. policymakers have repeatedly underestimated the consequences of the deep unpopularity engendered by profligate U.S. government meddling in the affairs of other countries. In Iran, although the shah's government was brutal, the regime also became so identified with its unpopular U.S. benefactor that this became a major contributing factor in its collapse and replacement with a militant and enduring Islamist substitute. The Bush administration, with its macho bravado, especially has had a tin ear for the ramifications of anti-U.S hatred. After 9/11, instead of scheming to use the attacks as a justification to go after Saddam Hussein's Iraq, the Bush administration should have eliminated the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, used enough U.S. forces to get bin Laden instead of relying on unreliable Afghan fighters, taken full advantage of Musharraf's limited-time offer to give the U.S. military free reign in Pakistan to hunt down bin Laden and al-Qaeda, and then withdrawn from the region. Instead, the Bush administration allowed mission creep to take its eyes off the prize of taking down al-Qaeda. The U.S. mission in Afghanistan turned to nation-building, counterinsurgency, and the stanching of the drug trade. The occupation of Afghanistan by non-Muslim forces and close U.S. support for the dictator Musharraf in neighboring Pakistan predictably revved up Islamic militants there and gradually turned them against his regime. In an attempt to discreetly court these militants to support his government and to maintain the flow of U.S. military aid to ostensibly fight them, Musharraf allowed these groups to operate in the wild tribal regions of western Pakistan on the Afghan border and even reached a truce with them that withdrew the Pakistani government's military forces from these areas. This wink and nod has allowed both al-Qaeda and the militant Taliban to recover and reenergize themselves what are now essentially safe havens. The stepped up Taliban attacks on U.S. forces in Afghanistan can be explained by the continued U.S. occupation there and the havens given to them by Musharraf. Given Musharraf's unenthusiastic pursuit of al-Qaeda in Pakistan, why does the United States continue to support him? The answer is mainly out of fear of "instability" – read any change in a nuclear-armed country. The United States, with its sprawling informal empire, tends to be status-quo-oriented, as evidenced by the Bush administration's failure to take advantage of the only way out of Iraq – the radical decentralization or partition of that country. The United States fears that the only alternative to Musharraf in a nuclear-armed country is the Islamic militants; but this outcome is the most likely if the unpopular United States continues to back Musharraf so closely. Musharraf has faced mass protests across Pakistan for his increased despotism and his suspension of the country's chief justice. Musharraf feared that the judge, Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry, could issue rulings that would interfere with his attempt to have the parliament elect him to another five-year term. Also, several former generals have talked openly about overthrowing him in a coup. Yet they might not be able to control any coup and reestablish military rule. The Islamists have been strengthened by Musharraf's suppression of alternative non-Islamic opposition parties; Musharraf has said that their leaders – exiled former prime ministers Benazir Bhutto and Nawa Sharif – will not be allowed to return for upcoming parliamentary elections. Instead of the disastrous policy the Bush administration has pursued, it should end the occupation of Afghanistan, which would cool the Taliban resurgence in Afghanistan and Islamic militancy in Pakistan. In addition, the United States should threaten to cut off aid to Pakistan unless Musharraf and his intelligence services make a genuine attempt to capture or kill bin Laden. With a cooling of militant Islam in the region, brought about by a U.S. withdrawal, Musharraf should have more leeway to pursue bin Laden without an Islamist backlash. Finally, the United States should press Musharraf to open the elections to non-Islamist oriented parties and allow their leaders to return from exile. These actions would further bleed support from the Islamist radicals. Unfortunately, keeping the Islamists around, but contained, has been good for the autocratic Musharraf regime. The problem is that the instability caused by this policy can no longer be contained. Like the shah of Iran, Musharraf must use increased violence to put down popular protests, thus further fueling the spreading uprisings. The shah's Iran and Pakistan have one important difference, however: Pakistan has nuclear weapons. Tragically, the Bush administration may eventually give the world an Islamist bomb.

اختلاس حدود ده میلیون دالر: با نفت سالاران آشنا شوید!

یکصد هزار تن مواد نفتی، چی شد؟

قراردادی برای رسانیدن یکصدهزار تن مواد نفتی، الی دسامبر 2007، صورت گرفته بود؛ ولی تا اکنون که ماه جون 2007 است، این مواد سوخت درک ندارد.
شرکت "پروجکتور" قراردادی 16 ماده یی را با وزارت تجارت غرض تورید 100000 تن مواد نفتی امضا نمود. به اساس ماده اول بند پنجم این قرار داد، معیاد تحویل دهی مواد نفتی از تاریخ جنوری 2006 الی دسمبر 2006 تعیین گردیده است.

شرکت پروجکتور نتوانست به این تعهد خویش متعهد بماند و صرف توانست در این مدت، مقدار 364 تن مواد نفتی را در بندر "تورغندی" به ریاست تصدی مواد نفتی تحویل دهد. علاوه بر این که شرکت پروجیکتور به تعهدات و قرارداد امضأ شده متعهد نمانده و در رسانیدن مواد نفتی پسمان میباشد، مبلغ 300000 دالر امریکایی را که تضمین مواد قرارداد میباشد، نیز نپرداخته است.

هدف از پرداخت 300000 دالر تضمین این است که اگر فروشنده در رسانیدن مواد قرارداد، که جدول زمانی آن به اساس مادۀ اول قرارداد تنظیم میشود، تأخیر نماید؛ پول جریمه از مبلغ تضمین تفریق گردد.
در مادۀ چهاردهم بند اول قرار داد آمده است که اگر فروشنده (شرکت پروجیکتور) در حمل و نقل کالا ها بیشتر از ده روز تآخیر میکند؛ فروشنده باید جریمه 0،1 % ارزش کالا را برای هر روز با تعویق بپردازد. زمان و مقدار تحویل دهی کالا به اساس مادۀ اول بند پنجم قرارداد تنظیم میگردد. شرکت پروجیکتور، به خاطر نرساند مواد نفتی، با گذشت هر روز مبلغ 63368 دالر امریکایی جریمه میگردد. اگر یک محاسبه کوچک نمائیم درمیابیم که شرکت پروجیکتور باید مبلغ پانزده میلیون و دوصد هزار دالر را جریمه بپردازد. متآسفانه این مبلغ تا حال پرداخته نشده است. به اساس فرمان شماره 1647 رئیس جمهورهیئتی به خاطر عقد قرارداد تدارک یکصد هزار تن مواد نفتی تعیین میگردد؛ میشود گفت که هیئت مذکور مسؤول تطبیق مواد و تخلفات قرار داد میباشد. این هیئت مرکب از اشخاص ذیل هستند: غلام نبی فراهی– معین وزارت تجارت، مغل– رئیس اسبق ریاست تصدی مواد نفتی و گاز مایع، حفیظ الله نورستانی- رئیس اداری وزارت تجارت، نثار احمد- مدیر عمومی پلان تصدی و مهندس وسیم- مدیر عمومی کمی و کیفی.

مسؤولین وزارت تجارت و شرکت پروجیکتور علاوه بر اینکه به اصول قرار داد عقد شده عمل نکرده اند برای گریز از مسؤولیت اقدام به تهیۀ ضمیمۀ قرارداد نموده اند. هدف از تهیه ضمیمه تجدید مکلفیت های فروشنده بوده و با حضور داشت ظفربختیاری رئیس شرکت پروجیکتور طی 9 ماده ترتیب شده است؛ اما با گذشت تقریبأ هفت ماه از تهیه ضمیمه تا به امروز هیچ یک از موادات ضمیمه، شکل عملی را نگرفته است.

در متن قرارداد اصلی قیمت فی تن دیزل مبلغ 544 دالر و قیمت فی تن تیل پترول مبلغ 558 دالر، رسانیده بندر تورغندی ویا حیرتان، توافق گردیده است. اما در ضمیمه جدید قیمت دیزل 64 دالر و قیمت پطرول 73 دالر افزایش یافته است؛ به این ترتیب قیمت فی تن دیزل به 608 دالر و قیمت فی تن پترول به 631 دالر میرسد. که جمعأ در مقدار 100000 تن مواد نفتی قرارداد شده اضافه تر از هفت میلیون دالر افزایش را نشان میدهد، که به ضرر دارای عامه میباشد.

در ضمیمه جدید شرکت پروجیکتور متعهد بر رسانیدن 20000 تن تیل دیزل 62 – 05 ل میگردد. آخرین معیاد رسانیدن 20000 تن ذکر شده که در ماه دسامبر 2006 تعیین میگردد، ولی تا امروز تیل قرارداد شده انتقال نیافته است. در ضمیمۀ مذکور از ایزا 94 دالر در قیمت فی تن دیزل 62 – 05 ل تذکر گردیده است که جمعأ مبلغ 1.9 میلیون دالر ازدیاد را نشان می دهد و باز هم این به ضرر دارایی عامه میباشد

تیل نامرغوب 62 – 09 ل:

چندی پیش سه شرکت تجارتی نفتی اقدام به تورید تیل 62 – 09 ل مینمایند، هر یک شرکت غضنفر مقدار 32000 تن، شرکت نصیر احمد مقدار 4500 و شرکت داوؤد کریم مقدار 28500 تن را میخواست به خاک افغانستان داخل نماید.
یک هیئت دولتی، امر تورید مقدار فوق نفت 62 – 09 ل را میدهد که این خلاف فرمان 1066 ریاست جمهوری میباشد. این هیئت مرکب از اراکین ذیل بود: معین وزارت تجارت - محمد یونس فضلی، نثار احمد- مدیر عمومی پلان تصدی، و محمد وسیم قریشی- مدیرعمومی کمی و کیفی، رئیس اسبفق مواد نفتی و محمد شریف شریفی.

تیل 62 – 09 ل یک نوع تیل دیزل نامرغوب میباشد. این تیل که کیفیت پایین دارد، احتمال زیاد انفجار و حریق را دارد. چندی قبل در ساحه خیرخانه کابل در اثر انفجار یک مقامات دوتن اعضای یک خانواده مجروح گردید، تحقیقات بعدی نشان داد که از تیل 62 – 09 ل جهت تنویر استفاده شده بود. چند واقعه ثبت شده دیگر هم وجود دارد که تیل 62 – 09 ل، زمانی منفجر گردید، که برای تنویر و تسخین استفاده میشود. مقامات امنیتی هم مبنی بر تورید 62 – 09 ل اخطار داده اند. به گفته مقامات امکان آن وجود دارد که از این تیل جهت حملات انفجاری استفاده گردد. حمل و نقل این تیل در تانکر، روی شاهراه ها، امکان انفجارات عمدی و حادثات ناگوار را دارد. در گفتگوی که با اداره کمی و کیفی تصدی مواد نفتی داشتم دریافت نمودم که تیل 62 – 09 ل به وسایل میخانیکی صدمه جدی رسانیده و عمر ماشین الات میخانیکی را پائین میاورد. 62 – 09 ل در بازار های افغانستان بدون علامت تجارتی بفروش رسیده و باعث تخریب وسایل میخانیکی میگردد، حتی اگر نفت 62 – 09 ل به مقاصد خاص وارد افغانستان گردد و با علامت مشخص بفروش رسد؛ در عمل، در بازارهای نظارت ناشده افغانستان، گرفتن جلو همچو تقلب کاری است، بسا مشکل. نفت 62 – 09 ل در ترکیب خویش یک تعداد کثری از گازات گلخانه یی را شامل میباشد که سبب الوده گی هوا و تخریب محیط زیست میگردد؛ به همین دلیل است که کشور های متعددی، که دارای قوانین قوی حفاظت محیط زیست میباشد، استفاده 62 – 09 ل را ممنوع قرار داده است.

با در نظر داشت نکات فوق حامد کرزی ذریعه فرمان 1066 که به تاریخ 1384، 3، 18 صادر گردیده است، ورود تیل 62 – 09 ل را منع قرار میدهد.

قیمت نفت 62 – 09 ل در بازار های خارجی پایین میباشد اما در افغانستان به نرخ دیزل به فروش میرسد؛ این امر سبب نفع فراوانی به سه شرکت غضنفر، نصیراحمد و داود کریم میگردد. ولی ضرر زیادی به تمامی کشور و جاصتأ به تاجران دیگر میرساند، زیرا در رقابت تجارتی نمیتوانند نفت خود را به قیمت کمتر بفروش رسانند که به ورشکستگی شان می انجامد. در اینجا هیئت وزارت تجارت خلاف قانون تدارکات رفتار نموده است و مطابق ماده 285 قانون جزای عمومی مسؤولیت شان ثابت میباشد و باید به سارنوالی معرفی گردند.

بعضأ توقع میرود که شاید روزی دولت بتواند از قاچاق مواد مخدر جلوگیری نماید، با در نظر داشت قضیه فوق جلوگیری قاچاق ناممکن به نظر میرسد. زمانی که دولت نمیتواند جلو ورود هزارها تن قاچاق نفت را بگیرد چطور میتواند هیروئین را که به کیلو گرام صادر میشود، متوقف نماید.

اختلاس از این بهتر شده نمیتواند!

تصدی مواد نفتی قرارداد خرید 15000 تن مواد نفتی را با شرکت های خصوصی امضا مینماید، عقد این قرارداد ناقص میباشد، به این معنی که مراحل قانونی را طی ننموده است؛ که شامل موجودیت کمیسیون بررسی قراردادها، عدم موجودیت حکم ریاست جمهوری و عدم موافقه وزارت مالیه میباشد.
در ترکیب هیئات صرف دو نفر منجمله آقای روزی رئیس تصدی مواد نفتی و محمد شاه هاشمی مشاور ارشد وزارت تجارت حصه داشتند که شخص دومی مامور برحال دولت نمیباشد، این قرارداد خلاف قانون تهیه و تدارکات توسط وزیر تجارت و صنایع امضا میگردد.
قیمت های پانزده هزار تن مواد نفتی نخست اینکه از نرخ بازار آزاد و بازار های جهانی بسیار بلند میباشد؛ و دوم اینکه مواد نفتی مذکور از شرکت های دست دوم خریداری میگردد، که این خود روی قیمت مواد، تاثیر دارد.
یک تناقض دیگر که در قرارداد بچشم میخورد، تفاوت مواد و شرایط قرار داد میان شرکت ها میباشد. مواردی دیده میشود که قیمت قرارداد بلندتر از نرخ جهانی میباشد. از جمله 15000 تن مواد نفتی، 5000 تن آن دیزل میباشد.
شرکت "نیشنل پطرولیم" قرارداد 1000 تن دیزل 66-05 را به قیمت فی تن 615 گرفته است. در حالیکه همین نوع دیزل از شرکت جلال آباد به قیمت فی تن 625 بمقدار 4000 تن قرار داد شده است؛ که در هر تن نفت 10 دالر تفاوت را نشان میدهد که مجموعأ در حدود 40000 دالر تفاوت را نشان میدهد. مقدار مجموعی 15000 تن مواد نفتی قرارداد شده، حد اوسط از قرار فی تن 661 دالر خریداری شده است. قیمت مجموعی مواد خریداری شده بالغ بر حدود ده میلیون دالر امریکایی میگردد. نظر به مادۀ اول جدول و نصاب قانون تدارکات امر خریداری چنین مبلغ گزاف از صلاحیت وزیر تجارت و صنایع بالا بوده و وزیر در اینجا، خلاف قانون عمل نموده است.
چون قیمت های قرارداد شدۀ مواد نفتی از قیمت بازار آزاد بلندتر میباشد بنأ این قرار داد به ضرر دولت میباشد و مقدار مجموعی که از نرخ بازار پرداخته شده بالغ بر حدود 480 هزار دالر امریکایی میگردد. که از آن جمله مبلغ 120 هزار دالر به شرکت های حمل و نقل بیشتر از نرخ بازار پرداخته شده است. برای انتقال مواد نفتی با شرکت تانکری زاهد متین قرارداد صورت گرفته است. این قرارداد از قرار فی تن مبلغ 2490 افغانی به کابل میباشد؛ در حالی که شرکت "کچکین" حاضر است همین قرارداد را به نرخ فی تن 1790 افغانی عملی نماید.
این در حالیست که شرکت مواد نفتی دارای تانکر های ترانسپورتی میباشد که اگر از تانکر های تصدی مواد نفتی استفاده میشود، انتقال فی تن از حیرتان به کابل مبلغ 1250 افغانی تمام میشود، که میشود جلو خساره 120 دالر را به دولت گرفت.

خرید 5000 تن نفت:

درپیشنهادیۀ نقدی موادنفتی، عنوان مقام وزارت تجارت غرض انتقال پول نفت TC1 تحریر یافته است که هیئتی به ترکیب محترم محمدشاه هاشمی، مشاور ارشد وزارت تجارت و صنایع، محترم عزیزالله روزی - رئیس عمومی مواد نفتی وگازمایع به منظور خریداری موادنفتی
عازم کشورهای ترکمنستان، قزاقستان و ازبکستان گردیده بود، درنتیجه قرارداد شماره یک مورخ 2006-10-08 پیرامون خریداری مقدار 5000 تون تیل TC1 ازقرار فی تن مبلغ 695 دالر امریکایی که قیمت مجموعی آن 3565000 دالرامریکایی رااحتوا می کند، با جانب شرکت محترم "یوریان هرات" درشهر عشق آباد به امضاء رسانیده شده است.
باید به این نکته توجه جدی مبذول داشت که درنفس قرارداد غلطی فاحشی بملاحظه میرسد، به این معنا که در قرارداد تیل تی سی یک اصلا درترکمنستان نه بلکه درهرات باشرکت داخلی "هرات پویان" منعقد گردیده، زیرا هیئت اعزامی نتوانستند که ویزۀ دخولی ترکمنستان را اخذ نمایند.
قرارداد متذکره بدون داوطلبی و بدون حضور آتشه های تجارتی ونمایندگان سفارت کبررای افغانی مقیم عشق آباد صورت گرفته است. بنابرین غیرقانونی میباشد. در پیشنهادی که غرض انتقال پول تهیه شده است یک اشتباه بزرگ به چشم میخورد. قیمت 5000 تن تیلTC1 از قرار فی تن مبلغ 695 دالر امریکایی محاسبه شده است و مجموع آن مبلغ 3565000 دالرامریکایی محاسبۀ شده است. در حالی که با یک محاسبه ساده، دیده میشود که مجموع آن 3475000 دالر امریکایی میشود.
وزیر تجارت باید بداند که قوانین جدید کشور، عقد مجلس داوطلبی و مناقسه را در تدارکات حتمی میداند. اگر این را میداند باید هم بداند که:

5000 x 695 = 3475000 √
5000 x 695 = 3565000 X
3565000 > 3475000
3565000 = ضرر ملت است
اگر همه اینها را میدانست، پس چرا سند انتقال پول را امضأ نموده است.

ذخایر ملی نفت:

در ظرف چند سال اخیر، قیمت نفت شاید افزایش سرسام اوری بود. این خود، بر تولید انرژی و رشد اقتصادی کشور تأثیر دارد. کارشناسان به این باورند که جهت ثابت نگهداشتن قیمت نفت باید دولت افغانستان ذخایر ستراتیژیک نفت ایجاد کند. در اصل هدف ایجاد همچو ذخایر، استفاده از نفت ذخیره شده در هنگام حوادث غیرمترقبه میباشد که مسیر حمل و نقل نفت را مختل میکن. ولی ذخایر ستراتیژیک میتواند نقش مهمی در ثابت نگهداشتن قیمت نفت برجاگذارد. مثلأ زمانی که نفت در بازار ها صعود موقتی مینماید با استفاده از ذخایر ستراتیژیک میتوان قیمت ها را دوباره ثابت نگهداشت. ریاست عمومی مواد نفتی وگازمایع به منظوراستقرار قیم و ایجاد ذخیرۀ ستراتیژیک مواد نفتی برای حالات اضطرار، وظیفه دارد تا ذخیره استراتیژیک را ایجاد و نگهداری نماید.
ولی ذخیره فعلی ستراتیژیک از نفت ی مملو میباشد که به قیمت خیلی گزاف به مقایسه بازار آزاد خریداری گردیده است. طوری که اشاره شد، مقامات ارشد وزارت تجارت و شخص خود وزیر تجارت در این خریداری ها سهیم بوده که خلاف قوانین تهیه وتدارکات، صورت گرفته است.
یگانه دلیلی که نفت مذکور در ذخیره ستراتیژیک موجود است، تصمیم پالیسی نبوده، بلکه چون قیمت های خرید بسیاربلند است و وزارت تجارت نتوانست که تیل های خریداری شده را به فروش برساند، لذا تیل بحالت تحلیق قرار گرفت و مقامات اسم آن را ذخیره استراتیژیک گذاشتند.

از آنجا که دولت گدام های مناسب ی برای نگهداشت انواع مختلف مواد نفتی ندارد، این امر سبب میشود که از اثر گذشت زمان، مواد موثر و مفید از تیل فرار نموده و باعث بی کیفیتی تیل گردد. این چنین ذخیره ستراتیژیک موثر نبوده، چون بعد از مدت کوتاه مواد نفت ی ذخیره شده، کیفینت خود را از دست میدهد.

عاقبت اختلاس:

دوتن ازمأمورین وزارت تجارت هر یک آقای محمد شاه هاشمی مشاورارشد وزیرصاحب تجارت و عزیزالله روزی رئیس عمومی مواد نفتی وگازمایع به اتهام استفاده جوئی وضرر رسانیدن به بیت المال واختلاس یک میلون دالرتحت نظارت وتوقیف قرارگرفتند؛ ولی پس از سپری شدن چند روز، ایشان رها گردیدند. لوی سارنوالی در مورد رهایی متهمین گفت؛ که یک دوسیۀ هزار ورقی از اداره ارتشا و فساد اداری در ارتباط متهمین به لوی سارنوالی مواصلت ورزیده است، که امکان بررسی ان در سه روز موجود نبود، بنابراین لوی سارنوالی متهمین را طور مؤقت رها نمود.
اما تا امروز، چند ماه سپری شده است؛ ولی دوسیه های متهمین –عمدی- به تاق فراموشی سپرده شده و تا هنوز به محکمه حواله نگردنده است.

اثرات سؤ اختلاس تنها به دستبرد دارایی عامه مختص نمیگردد؛ بلکه دارای عواقب اجتماعی نیز میباشد. تصدی مواد نفتی خود استقرار و ثبات قیم مواد نفتی را، با خریداری مواد نفت ی به قیمت بلند، برهم میزند. شورای تصدی مواد نفتی قیمت فروش فی لیتر تیل دیزل را 34 افغانی تعیین نموده است که این رقم در مقایسه با نرخ بازار آزاد، بلندتر میباشد. قیمت فی لیتر تیل دیزل در بازار آزاد 26 الی 27 افغانی میباشد که تفاوت رقم قابل ملاحظه میباشد. تصدی مواد نفتی با این عمل خود تنها میتواند قیمت مواد نفت ی را بلند ببرد.